tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26688264530076819812024-03-12T19:40:34.588-07:00The Modern Historian, the Canadian Medievalist, and other such OxymoronsI chart my way through my latest degree and try to make sense of pursuing a career in Northern European Medieval and Viking History in Canada. Norse History, Canadian History, History Institutions, Medievalism and Student Life abound.Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.comBlogger92125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-77059863556160200702015-05-24T08:33:00.000-07:002015-05-24T08:33:00.703-07:0050th Annual International Congress of Medieval StudiesThis is my fifth time at the Congress, the 50th Annual Congress, and the first time that I have actually made it to the dance on Saturday Night. I love dancing, but the first three years I either came with one person, like my mom, and so it was a bit awkward for the two of us to go to the dance, or I went to the Congress solo. Last year I went as a student at Western Michigan University, but my presentation was Sunday morning, and since I work to the last minute, I didn't have time for a dance. It is great fun. Apparently playing the Last Saskatchewan pirate by the Arrogant Worms is a tradition. Odd. As is playing some polka music.<br />
<br />
I listened to some very interesting presentations and had some great talks with old colleagues and fellow kingship/medievalisms/Viking enthusiasts. Here is the schedule I followed and the papers I went to:<br />
<br />
<b><u>Thursday</u></b><br />
<br />
<b><u>1:30 - Bodies that Matter II: Impact and Outreach in Medieval Studies (A Roundtable)</u></b><br />
<br />
As I say, I like to work to the last minute, so my first session was my own. I was asked to participate by the lovely Dr. Christina Lee, who was one of my professors when I did my Masters at Nottingham. We had a hard time keeping to the ten minutes, but it is always hard to keep it short when you are excited about what you are talking about, and we all were. Because it was a panel about outreach I was the only one who spoke on script.<br />
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<u>Vikings for Schools: Engaging Children in Medieval Research </u><br />
<b><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/pub/emma-vosper/ab/679/379?trk=pub-pbmap" target="_blank">Emma Vosper</a>, Centre for the Study of the Viking Age, Univ. of Nottingham </b><br />
<br />
Emma's talk was very interesting: she broke down the program they bring into the schools, including what the target schools were, what the schedule was like and the material they were able to get their hands on to have a hands on program. She also talked about funding and how they are able to carry on the project. It seems like a very successful school program. <a href="http://www.nottingham.ac.uk/arts/news/vikings-for-schools.aspx" target="_blank">Here is more about the program</a>.<br />
<br />
<u>The Midlands Viking Symposium: Community Engagement with Research</u><br />
<b><a href="http://www.nottingham.ac.uk/english/people/christina.lee" target="_blank">Christina Lee</a> </b><br />
<br />
Dr. Lee demonstrated the importance of having community sessions along with more academic sessions, and how a conference can both tap into popular interest and help inform the public.<br />
<br />
<u>Accessing the Medieval: Bridging Gaps between Author and Audience </u><br />
<b><a href="https://www.nottingham.ac.uk/english/people/nicola.royan" target="_blank">Nicola Royan</a>, Univ. of Nottingham
Community</b><br />
<br />
Historical fiction workshops sounds like great fun, though as Dr. Royan points out, it can be a bit like wrangling cats, as you try and gather participants, authors and funding. It sounds like a great way to make the public and the medieval meet though.<br />
<br />
<u>Archaeology: Medieval Southwell </u><br />
<b><a href="https://www.nottingham.ac.uk/archaeology/people/chris.king" target="_blank">Christopher King</a>, Institute for Medieval Research, Univ. of Nottingham
Community </b><br />
<br />
The project was well-outlined in the presentation. It looks like there is some interesting work being done in Southwell.<br />
<br />
<u>Archaeology II: Oakington Anglo-Saxon Cemetery</u><br />
<b><a href="http://www.uclan.ac.uk/staff_profiles/dr_duncan_sayer.php" target="_blank">Duncan Sayer</a>, Univ. of Central Lancashire </b><br />
<br />
The project sounded like a great community builder for Lancashire. This presentation covered the community benefits of a local archaeological dig, as well as some of the ethical implications that you have to deal with if you are going to undertake excavations of burial sites and involve the public in the excavations.<br />
<br />
<u>Heritage and Tourism: Putting Vikings on the Map</u><br />
<b>Megan Arnott, Western Michigan Univ.</b><br />
<br />
Some oldies and some newbies. I talked about the impact of Viking heritage tourism on landscapes, so L'Anse aux Meadows came up again, but I also worked in some Scandinavian examples.<br />
<br />
<br />
<b><u>3:30 - The Public Medievalist: A Roundtable on Engaging the Public with the Middle Ages </u></b><br />
<br />
<b><a href="http://www.english.txstate.edu/people-contacts/facultydirectory/morrison.html" target="_blank">Susan Morrison</a>, Texas State Univ.–San Marcos</b><br />
<br />
Dr. Morrison showed us her student projects. They were really interesting, fun and creative interpretations of medieval topics and texts. The students came up with interpretations of the texts that mimicked popular online magazines like Buzzfeed or offered interesting comparisons between medieval figures and modern popular culture. She is working on some final edits before she releases it to the public.<br />
<br />
<b><a href="http://si.academia.edu/PaulSturtevant" target="_blank">Paul Sturtevant</a>, Smithsonian Institution</b><br />
<br />
Dr. Sturtevant reminded us that using popular methods, like the website <a href="http://thepublicmedievalist.com/">thepublicmedievalist.com</a>, you reach a different audience and might actually have a much larger impact than any of the academic work that we do.<br />
<br />
<b><a href="http://domin.dom.edu/faculty/dperry/" target="_blank">David Perry</a>, Dominican Univ.</b><br />
<br />
Dr. Perry echoed these sentiments. He also asked us to be kind, and not to tweet or message anything unkind about someone's presentation at Kalamazoo, because often those aren't meant to be fully polished work, and you can put a blackmark on someone's career. He is not arguing for a lack of public accountability, but he asks us to question whether or not anything negative really needs to be said. If you've thought about it and the answer is still yes, still think about the way you phrase things, but the critical tone we often adopt is often counterproductive.<br />
<br />
<b><a href="http://www.engl.virginia.edu/people/bh9n" target="_blank">Bruce Holsinger</a>, Univ. of Virginia</b><br />
<br />
Dr. Holsinger said something quite similar. He is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.ca/Neomedievalism-Neoconservatism-Terror-Bruce-Holsinger/dp/0976147599" target="_blank">Neomedievalisms, Neoconservatisms and the War on Terror</a>.<br />
<br />
<a href="http://ca.linkedin.com/pub/sandra-alvarez/19/21b/492" target="_blank">Sandra Alvares</a>,
<a href="http://medievalists.net/">medievalists.net</a><br />
<br />
The presenter was a bit wary of public speaking, but the content was very interesting. <a href="http://medievalists.net/">medievalists.net</a> has now been up and running for seven years. It is the site I always refer to for my medieval news, which sounds like an oxymoron, but isn't.<br />
<br />
<b><u>Friday</u></b><br />
<br />
<u><b>1:30 - Anglo-Saxon England</b></u><br />
<br />
<u>Alfred in Expeditione: Assembling the Evidence for a West Saxon Campaign
against a Viking Host in South-East England in 882 </u><br />
<b><a href="http://nottingham.academia.edu/RobertBriggs" target="_blank">Robert Briggs</a>, Univ. of Nottingham/Univ. College London </b><br />
<b><br /></b>
This presentation argued for the correlation between modern Epsom and medieval Hebesham, and it was very convincing. Not actually being a place-name specialist, the presenter went on to argue that the documents and the place name indicate that in 882 King Alfred was playing a role in London's defense. The presentation also exhorted historians to reach out to linguists.<br />
<br />
<u>Under the Influence: Reassessing the Relationship between Viking and Anglo-Saxon
Towns in England during the Ninth and Tenth Centuries </u><br />
<b><a href="https://www.salemstate.edu/faculty/employee_details.php?num=251" target="_blank">David D. Crane</a>, Salem State Univ. </b><br />
<br />
This presentation showed that the link between Danish and Anglo-Saxon towns in England was great, because these so called Danes seem to have been doing things largely in an Anglo-Saxon way, including minting coins and frankly building towns to begin with.<br />
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<u>Æthelred’s Shameful Rule: Treachery, Tribute, and the Heroic Code </u><br />
<b><a href="http://sydney.academia.edu/TahliaBirnbaum" target="_blank">Tahlia Birnbaum</a>, Univ. of Sydney</b><br />
<b><br /></b>
This was a great presentation that talked about the two kinds of medieval shame (there may be more than two, but really I can't think of any others that are expressed in literature, so I find this very convincing). Namely, they are penitential shame, which often has a beneficial role in bringing you closer to God, and honorific shame, which results from cowardice in battle or bad dealings with others and causes you to be ousted from your community. this paper argued that Aethelred should be feeling the latter, because he runs away, but seems to turn it into the former, though not always very successfully.<br />
<br />
<b><u>3:30 - New Frontiers in Old Norse </u></b><br />
<br />
This session was sponsored by the Viking Society for Northern Research and it was chaired by Dr. Lee who also organized my session.<br />
<br />
<u>Masochism and Paranoia, Sex and Violence in Völundarkviða</u><br />
<b>Peter Sandberg, Univ. College London </b><br />
<b><br /></b>
This presentation shows how Völundarkviða is a whole text, despite the stand alone nature of the first four stanzas. It showed the economy of cruelty in the text.<br />
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<u>The Controlled Decline of Viking-Held Dorestad </u><br />
<b><a href="http://edinburgh.academia.edu/ChristianCooijmans" target="_blank">Christian Cooijmans</a>, Univ. of Edinburgh</b><br />
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This presented a convincing argument that the reason that Dorestad fell wasn't just that the Vikings came to raid it every year in the ninth century, but that the Carolingian powers that be made no effort to save it and transferred the economic centre to Deventor where they had better control over the trade and system of vassalage.<br />
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<u>Medieval Identity in the North Atlantic</u><br />
<b><a href="https://www.nottingham.ac.uk/archaeology/people/acxdk1" target="_blank">Dayanna Knight</a>, Independent Scholar</b><br />
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This paper presented a convincing argument for the transition of North Atlantic identities in the medieval period. Dr. Knight showed how kin as an identity determinant becomes kin and affiliation as more continental ideas about identity seep into the North Atlantic.<br />
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<b><u>Saturday</u></b><br />
<br />
<b><u>10:00 - The “Good,” the “Bad,” and the “Ugly” Ruler: Ideal Kingship in the Middle Ages </u></b><br />
<br />
This session was sponsored by the Research Group on Manuscript Evidence; Center for Medieval and
Early Modern Studies Univ. of Florida. It was a very international session. <br />
<br />
<u>Speech is Silver, Silence is Golden: Usurpers’ Deeds and Historians’ Verdicts in
Merovingian and Carolingian Chronicles </u><br />
<b><a href="http://www.hist.uzh.ch/fachbereiche/mittelalter/lehrstuehle/scholz/team/schwedler.html" target="_blank">Gerald Schwedler</a>, Historisches Seminar, Univ. Zürich </b><br />
<br />
The presentation opened with a great joke about things unspoken to show the power, and argued that the Chronicles intentionally left things unsaid, like talking about the children of usurpers or certain revolutions, in order to make statements about the rights of certain people to rule.<br />
<br />
<u>“One Man’s Villain Is Another Man’s Hero”: Concepts Which Medieval
Historians Employed to Construct the Images of Central European Princes
as Good or Bad </u><br />
<b><a href="http://www.geschkult.fu-berlin.de/e/fmi/mitglieder/Wissenschaftliche_Mitarbeiterinnen_und_Mitarbeiter/vercamer.html" target="_blank">Grischa Vercamer</a>, Freie Univ. Berlin</b><br />
<br />
The conclusion of the paper was that the sources he looked at portrayed the villains of the texts as cowardly, cunning and arrogant when they wished to convey disapproval of certain personalities.<br />
<br />
<u>“Wise as Solomon / Cruel as Rehoboam”: Ancient and Biblical Models for
Portraying Good and Bad Rulers in Medieval Central Europe </u><br />
<b><a href="http://ff.osu.eu/khi/index.php?idc=58189" target="_blank">Robert Antonín</a>, Ostravská Univ</b>.<br />
<br />
This presentation looked at who became the biblical and ancient models for kings, and showed that Constantine, David and Solomon were the most commonly used examples.<br />
<br />
<u>In Search of Rule Models in Saint Erkenwald and Lydgate’s Saints Edmund and
Fredmund </u><br />
<b><a href="https://www.lsa.umich.edu/english/people/profile.asp?ID=2109" target="_blank">Rebecca Huffman</a>, Univ. of Michigan–Ann Arbor</b><br />
<b><br /></b>
What was interesting here was that these texts were presented to the king by Lydgate as instructional texts. However, Rebecca Huffman points out that the kings, although they are saints, are not always the most kingly (maybe not even the most saintly). It can't be said if this was intentional or not, but it is interesting that Lydgate would present the king with imperfect models.<br />
<br />
<b><u>1:30 - Scandinavian Studies </u></b><br />
<br />
This session is always sponsored by the Society for the Advancement of Scandinavian Studies. Unfortunately I missed the first paper, but I'm sure it was interesting. However, here are the ones I did catch.<br />
<br />
<u>Playing with Conventions of Propriety: The Subversion of Etiquette in Lokasenna </u><br />
<b><a href="http://medievalstudies.cornell.edu/people-2/students/" target="_blank">Edward Currie</a>, Cornell Univ.</b><br />
<br />
This paper argued convincingly that Lokasenna is a parody of the values espoused in Havamal.<br />
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<u>The Old Norse Equitan and the Dignity of Kingship</u><br />
<b><a href="http://berkeley.academia.edu/MollyJacobs" target="_blank">Molly Jacobs</a>, Univ. of California–Berkeley</b><br />
<br />
This presentation compared Marie de France's Equitan with the Old Norse translation done for Hakon Hakonarsson's court. The long epilogue on the Old Norse version is part of the amplification of the kingly roles implicit in the original text. The Old Norse version plays down the love aspects and plays up the king's responsibilities.<br />
<br />
<b><u>3:30 - The Icelandic Sagas as History</u></b><br />
<br />
This session was sponsored by the New England Saga Society (NESS). For the last little while they have been podcasting about sagas at <a href="http://sagathingpodcast.wordpress.com/">sagathingpodcast.wordpress.com</a> and it has been very successful.<br />
<br />
<u>Moderate Heroism: Outlaw Family Sagas as Social Scripts and Spin Control</u><br />
<b><a href="http://www.sdstate.edu/resources/directory/directory-detail.cfm?view=detail&ci=2963" target="_blank">Randi Anderson</a>, South Dakota State Univ. </b><br />
<br />
This paper supported Theodore Andersson's conclusion that the main value in the sagas was not honour but moderation, showing how this manifests itself in the Outlaw sagas, and in Gisli's saga in particular. When Gisli is restrained the world moves forward as it should.<br />
<br />
<u>Viking Age Cleveland: A New Runic Inscription in Context </u><br />
<b><a href="http://www2.le.ac.uk/departments/history/people/pvohra" target="_blank">Pragya Vorha</a>, Univ. of Leicester</b><br />
<br />
Pragya and I had lunch one day. She is lovely and very knowledgeable. This presentation went over the finds and teh progress at the excavations in Cleveland, and specifically the runestone that they found at the site, since it is only the 18th Viking Age runestone discovered in England.<br />
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<u>Visualizing Space and Place: A Literary Mapping Project of the Outlaw Sagas </u><br />
<b><a href="http://gc-cuny.academia.edu/MaryCatherineKinniburgh" target="_blank">Mary Catherine Kinniburgh</a>, Graduate Center, CUNY</b><br />
<b><br /></b>
This presentation gave some great visuals for the outlaw sagas, showing visualizations for all of the place-names in the Outlaw Sagas and showing where the major centres are. It garnered the most questions during question period as people tried to understand the context of the information they were looking at.<br />
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Some of my friends also wrote about some of their Kalamazoo 50th experiences. If you just can't get enough Kalamazoo, here are links to the things they wrote about:<br />
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<a href="http://danialexis.net/2015/05/17/my-kzoo2015-a-recap/" target="_blank">Dani Alexis Ryskamp</a><br />
<a href="https://medievalistintransit.wordpress.com/2015/05/17/icms-2015-academic-conferences/" target="_blank">Marca Hoyle</a><br />
<a href="https://soletlune1981.wordpress.com/2015/05/21/the-50th-international-congress-on-medieval-studies/" target="_blank">Dayanna Knight</a>Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com12tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-11726686179309429422015-05-15T18:22:00.000-07:002015-05-15T18:22:30.918-07:00"Vikings" Travelling Exhibition showcases the talents of museum storytellersIf you think about the popular response to Vikings, it is actually quite extraordinary, because, due to their propensity to build things out of wood, or peat as the case may be, Vikings have left a lot less behind in terms of artifacts as compared to say Romans or really anyone who preferred to build things with stone. When you visit the site at <a href="http://www.pc.gc.ca/eng/lhn-nhs/nl/meadows/index.aspx" target="_blank">L'Anse aux Meadows</a>, really we are getting super excited to visit some light impressions in the ground and a pin. But look how excited I am to visit the <a href="http://www.fieldmuseum.org/discover/on-exhibit/vikings/" target="_blank">Vikings exhibit at the Field Museum</a>.<br />
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Compare a Viking exhibit to say an exhibit on ancient Greece or Egypt. It is much harder for the artefacts to speak for themselves, and what I was struck by at the exhibit was the careful work that the curators of the exhibit put into storytelling. </div>
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The exhibit placed artefacts on loan from <a href="http://www.historiska.se/" target="_blank">Swedish museums</a> next to re-creations of larger items that can't leave Sweden, like some <a href="http://www.gotlandsmuseum.se/" target="_blank">Gotland picture/rune stones</a>, next to re-creations like this ship which is based on original material, but combines evidence from several sources. </div>
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What you see is largely Swedish artefacts here, as it is put on by the Swedish museums, but the story is being told in a general way so that the Swedish specific material applies to all of Viking Age Scandinavia. I wouldn't have called the exhibition 'Swedish Vikings' either, though it is a little what you are seeing.<br />
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The curators put the exhibit together thematically, taking you through several aspects of Viking life and filling in the blanks with visuals as well as text. There were some good interactive elements teaching about the origins of the names for the days of the week and making comparisons between Viking life and our life. I took away a recipe for Viking bread.<br />
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The most spectacular piece in the exhibit is also a good example of the role museum curators have to play in making visuals out of the meagre Viking remains. The rivets of the ship suspended in the shape of a ship turns what would look like a pile of metal into a living thing that really captures the imagination. This may be old hat at places like the <a href="https://www.khm.uio.no/english/visit-us/viking-ship-museum/" target="_blank">Viking Ship Museum in Oslo</a>, but it was new to me, and I have done my fair share of Viking tourism. </div>
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The Viking exhibit is well worth a look. It will be at the Field Museum until October 4th. </div>
<br />Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-90744201268724857572014-09-25T10:52:00.002-07:002014-09-25T10:53:18.964-07:00Please Hire Me!: An open letter to Barrie Osborne, Warner Brothers and Leonardo DiCaprio from a Viking specialistThe video of Leonardo DiCaprio's speech to the UN popped up in my facebook feed this week. I watched, and listened to the message and found what DiCaprio was saying very compelling. If you haven't seen the speech you can find it here:<br />
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<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/ka6_3TJcCkA" width="560"></iframe><br />
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Because of the importance of the message, I am embarrassed to say that my biggest takeaway from the speech was Leonardo DiCaprio's hair style.<br />
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Because, to me, what this means is that the rumours about a Viking movie, possibly a trilogy, possibly about the life of Harald Hardrada, are true.<br />
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No one should be, or is really, more excited about this than me. But the part selfish, part dreamer portion of me says 'oh no, you are about three years too early.'<br />
<br />
I am currently in my third year of the PhD, so it is comps year. It feels like I am reading literally everything. Everything everything. But at the same time, I have tailored my reading to fit my chosen dissertation topic: characterizations of Harald Hardrada.<br />
<br />
Some might say it is risky to publicize a topic before it is written. I feel okay about it because, really, there isn't that much written about him outside of the realm of literature (not in the traditional history sense, where we like, as a society, to write biographies of 'great men,' a trap I hope to avoid, but also a gap I hope to fill). So if we are both, or all three of us working on it, I doubt we are going to come to the same conclusions anyway. If you were struggling to find a topic, you're welcome.<br />
<br />
Of course, I wasn't really worried about maybe a few of us working on this until news of the possible movie came out.<br />
<br />
In the imaginary world, where one dreams big anyway, they make this movie in three years time, I am already established as the expert, so the moviemakers have my book, and maybe ask me to consult (consulting on an historical film has been a dream of mine since I decided to pursue History/English as a career) and people buy my book (the pipedream of every academic) because it is relevant to the movie.<br />
<br />
In the slightly more realistic world, though one still has to complete the PhD in good time. and it still has a bit of the fantastic too it (dream big in the real world too), the movie has come out by the time I can write my book. I have sort of lost out on the chance to consult on something I will have the most expertise in, as the Viking phase sort of dies down, and my book is kind of white noise in all the books that have been published in wake of the movie. This sounds like whining, because I mean, I would still try and find something to consult on someday, and I have a book published in this dream so I can't really complain.<br />
<br />
But I can't deny my gut reaction to Leonardo DiCaprio's hair: I want to be involved in this project sooo bad.<br />
<br />
Hire me as your pocket researcher. Don't hire me, just let me sit in a chair. Doctoral reading examiners being willing, all I am going to be doing next year is researching Harald Hardrada. As I find out things or come to new conclusions about texts, I could pass you little notes. I already have a degree in Norse and Viking Studies and one in Public History. I just wrote a paper about <a href="http://meganarnott.blogspot.com/2014/09/they-think-that-were-invaders-that-weve.html" target="_blank">postcolonialism in American-made Viking movies</a>. I have one paper under review which talks about a nineteenth century poet who wrote a poem called "The Death of Harald Hardrada." I just gave a talk about the Norwegian Invasion of 1066 in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. I spent four months giving tours of the L'Anse aux Meadows National Park site and dressing in Viking garb. I know what I am talking about! I am working on a book about the main character. Pleeeeaaassseeee.<br />
<br />
My interest in Hardrada developed very naturally from a desire not to have to choose. I wanted to be an historian, but I couldn't choose between Canadian History, Medieval History or Maritime History. So I picked Vikings so I wouldn't have to. I did my MA thesis on oral storytellers, and their characterization, but I had to be specific to create the best argument. I read Harald Hardrada's saga in Morkinskinna and it had the most examples and was one of the most compelling stories. I love this character/historical figure, because through him you study the range and power of the Scandinavians in the eleventh century, starting in one of Norway's most crucial battles, through to the presence of Scandinavians in the Varangian Guard in Constantinople, to the Rus in Russia, through to dynastic struggles and court life in northern courts, to the defining year of English history (1066). In addition, he is a poet and a patron of poets, and a sailor and a warrior and a king. I mean, what is not to be interested in. Plus, Gwynn Jones called him 'the last viking' which has stuck with him into literature. There couldn't be a more romantic figure.<br />
<br />
So that is my rant, and my plea, and my secret hope that is a little embarrassing because of its grand scale, but the way I feel nonetheless. I am going to send these vibes out into the universe (and maybe tweet them to anyone I think might read them), and I am going to keep working on my dissertation. And keeping looking at Leonardo DiCaprio pictures to figure out what they are filming based on hair style.<br />
<br />
Now back to the books.Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-58813711113584264112014-09-25T09:59:00.003-07:002014-09-25T09:59:53.813-07:00They think that we’re invaders, that we’ve come to take over their land’: Postcolonialism and the Viking Film in the United States<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=2668826453007681981" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"></a><span style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 0.5in;">It is the character Professor Ivarsson,
an American-Scandinavian archeologist, who </span><span style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 0.5in;">becomes our guide to the Viking
world in the Disney production </span><i style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 0.5in;">The Island
at the Top of the World</i><span style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 0.5in;"> (1974). </span><span style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 0.5in;">When Sir Anthony Ross, former British ambassador,
hires him to lead an expedition to the arctic, the troupe is surprised to find
there an island that has remained green amidst the ice and snow. They are even
more surprised to find it populated by Vikings. As an expert in Norse
archaeology Professor Ivarsson is able to blur the margins between the two
cultures, establishing communication between his fin-de-siècle comrades and the
‘lost colony.’ He explains to Sir Anthony Ross the reason that they are being
taken captive is that the Vikings worry they are the first ‘of thousands.’ Sir
Anthony responds with ‘preposterous.’ However, also on this expedition is Oomiak,
an ‘Eskimo’ from Ellesmere Island who was kidnapped by Sir Anthony in order
that he might lead them to this island. </span><span style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span><span style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 0.5in;">His
presence validates the Vikings’ fears and reminds the audience of past
interactions between a group of ‘invaders’ and a group of ‘indigenous peoples.’</span><br />
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text-indent: 0.5in;"><br /></span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 0.5in;"><br /></span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 0.5in;"><br /></span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 0.5in;"><br /></span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 0.5in;"><br /></span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 0.5in;"><br /></span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 0.5in;"><br /></span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 0.5in;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">To understand <i>The Island at the Top of the World</i> directed by Robert Stevenson it
is necessary to understand postcolonial theory. For instance, Franz Fanon,
describing the uprisings of populations under colonial rule, could explain why
the Vikings have been depicted as having a culture that Viking expert Prof.
Ivarsson recognizes: in the twentieth century, as populations tried to reassert
their identity against a dominant culture traditional arts were renewed. The
resulting perception is that any modernity is derived from the dominant culture
and that the indigenous, subaltern, identity is, unfairly, something static and
rooted in the past. Therefore the Vikings did not change for a thousand years
and presumably Oomiak’s culture was only changed by invaders. In this film the
plot, the word choice (like the loaded word invaders) and even the
nationalities and occupations of the characters evoke the American colonial
experience. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The film uses Vikings as stand-ins for
an un-colonized indigenous population. Yet Vikings are European descendants,
blurring the divisions that are usually made between the subaltern and the
dominant cultures. The choice allows audiences that identify with the dominant
American culture to sympathize with both the Vikings and the explorers. The
film asks us to think about the boundaries between ‘us’ and ‘them’ and between
‘civilized’ and ‘un-civilized.’ In these concerns <i>The Island at the Top of the World</i> is representative of American
made movies about Vikings. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Colonialism is a main tenet or obvious
theme of ‘Viking’ films from <i>The Viking</i>
(1928) to <i>How to Train your Dragon </i>(2010).
Like <i>The Island at the Top of the World</i>,
these films revolve around the issues of cultural interaction as we understand
them through the lens of our colonial past. While, all of these films engage in
the subject from the point of view of the dominant, invading culture, yet the
films differ in their depictions of both Vikings and the time and place where
two cultures overlap. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The corpus of American-made Viking
films in question is generated out of Kevin Harty’s list of Viking films in <i>The Vikings on Film:<span style="color: red;">
</span>Essays on Depictions of the Nordic Middle Ages</i>. Harty’s list includes
country of production; the United States was deliberately chosen as a limit for
this study because of the preponderance of the productions, the availability of
the material, but also for the interesting relationship the United States and
Hollywood have with the medieval past. As Joseph Sullivan has shown, country of
production is often an arbitrary distinction due to the international nature of
many productions (Sullivan, 2011, 57). Yet the number of productions attributed
to US companies is relevant, and slightly ironic for the discussion of
postcolonialism. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The United States has had an
interesting, possibly unique, experience with colonialism, being both the
colonized and the colonizers, and being both postcolonial and still having several
subaltern cultures. Native American populations would not characterize this as
a postcolonial period, though it has also been postcolonial since 1776. Andrew Bennet
and Nicholas Royle discuss the difficulty with the term postcolonial, since it
is an imprecise term to discuss colonialism as it is still occurring or
neocolonialism which is often categorized by the oppression of cultures not
through traditional forms of power, but through capitalism and corporations. The
specific difficulty here of calling these films postcolonial is that they are often
looking at the moment of cultural interaction, maybe even the first moments of
colonialism, rather than the colonial period or the period afterwards. In fact,
of all the films in question, only <i>Lost
Colony: The Legend of Roanoke </i>(2007) and <i>How to Train your Dragon</i> (2010) deal directly with a colonial
situation. However, as Young states, <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">if colonial
history, particularly in the nineteenth century, was the history of the
imperial appropriation of the world, the history of the twentieth century has
witnessed the peoples of the world taking power and control back for
themselves. Postcolonial theory is itself a product of that dialectical process
(Young, 2001, 4). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The films represent a dialectic between the
twentieth/twenty-first century and its colonial past. They are using colonially
inspired language and visuals to talk about the moment of cultural interaction,
when the margins between two disparate cultures collapse. And while cultural
interaction is not necessarily colonial, our colonial experience has influenced
the way we talk about that interaction. David Lloyd gives an example in his
discussion of colonialism:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">we can refer to
India as a British colony only at the point where British governmental
administration rather than East India Company mercantile practices dominates and
the process of administrative rationalization occurs by ways of metropolitan
decisions and concerns: retrospectively, we can see the work of the East India
Company as a phase of colonialism, though the word itself may not have been
used (Lloyd, 1999, 7). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The colonial experiences of the nineteenth century
characterize the way we view the past. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Viking films contribute to this debate
because they build on the scholarship about the Vikings inherited from the
Victorians and onward. One prevalent interpretation of Vikings is as marauders
and as barbaric invaders. John Aberath traces this interpretation to the
medieval sources outside of Scandinavia, particularly from places which
recorded higher numbers of Viking attacks such as northern England or northern
France (Aberath, 2004, 30-1). The Vikings are thus the ‘other’ against which
local populations were defined. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> However
a competing, some would say revisionist, version of Vikings was made popular
around the Victorian Age. The earliest translations of Viking Sagas, such as
the <i>Vínland sagas</i> which describe a
voyage of Viking Age Icelanders to what seems to be North America, occurred in
the eighteenth century, usually in Danish, but were more widely translated by
the second half of the nineteenth century. Writers including William Morris
translated many sagas into English (Hammer, 2002, 139). These presented a wider
picture of Vikings as farmers and merchants, as well as marauders. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Vikings also feature in discussions of
colonialism because of the dramatic expansion, which also gave them a
reputation for barbarity. Early Medieval Scandinavians settled as the Rus and
become Russians, were mercenaries in medieval Byzantium and raided and settled
in the British Isles as well as northern continental Europe. Settlers from
Norway colonized Iceland, then Greenland, and then, according to both
contemporary sources and archaeology, arrived in North America. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Victorians, especially in the United
States, visualized both the explorer and the democratic nature of the Viking
Age Icelanders. Especially in New England, work on nationalism and the
‘science’ of ethnicity that resulted from colonialism lead thinkers to use the
Vikings to define the role of race in the American colonial experience. As an
extreme example, in 1877 Marie Shipley wrote <i>The Icelandic Discoverers of America, or, Honor to Whom Honor is Due</i>.
In it she stated that the founding of America was one of the greatest
achievements in all of world history, and if North America ceased to
acknowledge Columbus, but instead acknowledged the Vikings, all the corruption
of Catholicism and its most devout followers, the Spanish, would disappear from
American culture (Shipley, 1887, 177). Emphasizing
the comparison with Columbus demonstrates how much, the Vikings have been identified
with colonialism, even though they did not leave a direct colonial legacy. It
is against this backdrop that American film depicts Vikings. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The collection of essays edited by
Kevin Harty emphasizes the heterogeneity of representations of Vikings on film.
Alan Lupack notes how different the Vikings are in <i>The Vikings</i> (1954) directed by Richard Fleischer and those in <i>Prince Valiant </i>(1954) directed by Henry
Hathaway (Lupack, 2011, 46). It will be apparent how heterogeneously the films
deal with both the colonial moment and colonialism. Discussing the themes of
colonialism that bring these works together does not take away from the diversity
of the films. Several scholars in that collection have already noted the way Viking
films can be framed in postcolonial theory. Laurie Finke and Martin Schichtman
see Orientalism as defined by Edward Said in the depiction of the Grimault in <i>The Saga of the Viking Women and their
voyage to the waters of the great sea serpent</i> (1957): ‘the Vikings are for
the most part pale blond northerners; the blonder they are, the more leadership
qualities they seem to possess … The Grimault warriors, by contrast, are dark
and swarthy, sporting hats reminiscent of Mongolians that give them a faintly oriental
look (despite the entirely white and American cast)’ (Finke and Schichtman,
2011, 155).David Marshall makes a very clear link between the themes of
colonialism and <i>Outlander </i>(2008).
Elizabeth Sklar has shown how the acceptance of diversity amongst cultures is a
central feature <i>of The 13<sup>th</sup> Warrior</i>
(1999). Kevin Harty’s contribution to the collection demonstrates that the
films that depict Vikings in North America are deliberately engaging the
colonial narrative that puts Europeans in North America. He shows how the films
engage in the debate about alterity, and about who or what is savage or
civilized, who is the ‘us’ and the ‘them’ of the cultural interaction, and the blurring
of those lines or margins (Harty, 2011c,
118). It is just this idea of savagery, of alterity, which also makes Vikings a
great vehicle through which to explore colonialism<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Nickolas
Haydock, building on Benedict Anderson and Jacques Lacan, coins the term the
Imaginary Middle Ages. Aberath, Haydock and Harty have all commented on the way
the medieval film, or to use Harty’s term the ‘reel’ Middle Ages, reflects on
both the ‘otherness’ and the continuity of history. Medieval films often
project characters that have our values and engage in political debates that
are relevant to contemporary audiences. The retrospective view makes such
debates seem essential to the human condition, and broaden the implications of
the conflicts we hold dear. Both Harty and Haydock note that the Middle Ages on
film has been a particularly useful image to talk about national identities (Haydock,
2007, 112). The Middle Ages is our past, but also is removed from us by
cultures and time. They are us and are not us. They represent an ‘other’ we are
meant to see in ourselves. Chinua Achebe notes that we find it difficult to see
the rituals and customs of our own culture, because we are not removed from it
(Achebe, 2010, 1613). Depictions of the Middle Ages allow us to see the rituals
that were once a part of our own culture and to ruminate on how much we are
still like these people on screen. Combine this with the fact that the Vikings
were ostensibly the first Europeans in North America, but didn’t leave a
colonial heritage, means they are both us as the dominant culture, and are not
us as they are not as directly related to our transplantation out of Europe. Vikings
are appropriate for an exploration of cultural interaction and colonialism, not
just because of their traditional scholarship, but because depictions of the
Middle Ages are a great proving ground of contemporary politics or values. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">In Viking films not all of the ‘Vikings’
are even meant to be historical Vikings. Historical accuracy is not necessarily
a useful concept in this context since ‘the purpose for making them [medieval
films] in the first place is not to engage sober academic reflection but rather
to lay the framework for the film’s reality effects and to authorize it as a
site of what Lacan calls ‘imaginary identifications’ for a mass audience’
(Haydock, 2007, 7). The mention of Vikings is meant to evoke a past age, and to
remind us of people who both are and are not us in an even more meaningful way
than the depiction of aliens. An idea of historicity is important to the
audience’s reaction. Lupack tells us that the shorthand imagery, like the
horned helmets used in <i>How to Train your
Dragon</i>, allows the audience to enter a state of willing disbelief,
regardless of the actual historicity of the imagery (Lupack, 2011, 51). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> For
the researcher, <i>The Viking</i> (1928), is
the most accessible of the silent era films about the Vikings. It is by no
means the only one. Kevin Harty describes the Vikings in <i>The Viking Queen</i> (1914) and <i>The
Oath of a Viking</i> (also 1914) as decidedly Victorian (Harty “Introduction”
4). By this Harty is referring to the more sympathetic Viking that nationalists
created following the pattern of Richard Wagner (Harty, 2011a, 4). The film
invites a postcolonial reading from the first title card which sets the movie
in the context of the arrival of Europeans in North America: ‘[a] thousand
years ago, long before any white man set foot on the American shore, Viking sea
rovers sailed out of the north and down the waterways of the world.’ Leif
Ericsson, the anglicized version of Leifr Eiríksson, is one of the main
characters. In the <i>Vínland sagas</i>
Leifr Eiríksson leads the first expedition that establishes a base in Vinland,
a place that has come to be associated with North America. The film is about
Leif Ericsson’s conversion from his barbaric ways to Christianity, and the
weight Christianity has on his decisions. Before Christianity it is assumed
Vikings are barbaric, as they take the English Christian Alwin captive. But
when Alwin usurps Leif’s place in his beloved Helga’s heart it is Christianity
that stays Leif’s hand. Though Alwin and Helga’s romance, and the evil
Halfdan’s machinations are major focuses for the viewer, the colonial narrative
overlays all other considerations. People’s worth is determined by how much
they are interested in seeking out the new land to the west. That is how Leif
knows that Alwin is good. More than once the voyage to the new land is
characterized as ‘the greatest adventure by sea that man had ever known.’
Leif’s strength, compassion and Christianity form the nobility of his European
soul. When he gets to the new land he shares his nobility with it, planting the
cross on the beach, building a tower and hanging the cross around the neck of
the native inhabitant: ‘let this cross and the tower I have built be the signs
of peace and friendship between us.’ It should be noted that this movie is made
before any archaeological proof was really found. It is hard not to see this as
adding to the national spirit of this movie. The whole effect is to indigenize
northern Europeans to North America, and legitimate their claim to the land by
showing their reasonableness, nobility and even right to the land. At the end
of the film the Star Spangled Banner is played, suggesting this is a
specifically American colonial tradition of nobility, strength and adventure. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> No
one would argue that this depicts colonialism from any point of view besides
the dominant one. The film is building a national myth based on an heroic as
well as a paternalistic past, which is seen by the laying of the cross around
the neck of the Native. This is a text of a colonial period, of a pre-World War
II era in which we were still forming our ideas of dominant and subaltern
cultures. This paradigm, however, is taken up as late as 1978 in <i>The Norseman</i> directed by Charles B.
Pierce, which positions noble Vikings against savage Natives, though <i>The Norseman</i> is less intent on the
ideological stance. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> If <i>The Viking</i> and <i>The Norseman</i>
are deliberately positing the nobility of the first Europeans to engage in the
American colonial experiment, <i>The 13<sup>th</sup>
Warrior</i> wishes to remind us that our ideas about who and what is noble or
human are flexible. Our protagonist is Ibn Fadlan, who asserts his civility in
the face of the Vikings, but also his brotherhood with them as fellow humans.
Young sees this as part of the way the dominant culture understands
colonialism: ‘today’s repeated stress on the multicultural identity of the
Commonwealth is in part designed to counteract the legacy of the historical
fact that it was originally intended to be a whites-only affair’ (Young, 2001,
39). <i>The 13th Warrior </i>turns our gaze
away from the Vikings in North America, back to Vikings in Europe.
Nevertheless, cultural interaction, framed through postcolonial eyes, is as
central a tenet of this movie as it is of <i>The
Viking</i>, <i>The Norseman</i> and <i>The Island at the Top of the World</i>. Attempting
to posit an historically viable version of <i>Beowulf</i>
based in turn on Michael Crichton’s <i>Eaters
of the Dead</i>, the ability for cultures to interact with each other, respect
each other, while maintaining their own integrity, is one of the overarching
themes of the film (Sklar, 2011, 122). Ibn Fadlan’s attempts to understand and
fit into the Viking culture are met with some playful derision, but ultimately
with respect. In contrast it is ultimately the culture of the Wendols, the
Neanderthal cannibals that are hunting Hrothgar’s people, who cannot be
respected as a separate people with their own ways. It is significant that the
Fadlan character says that the Wendol are not men. It posits a complex view of
colonialism, but ultimately embraces plurality, while acknowledging that
plurality cannot include those who approach cultural interaction with a
destructive intent. Marshall has noted that ‘post-Colonial encounters framed by
feud are, in fact, a common theme in adaptations of Beowulf … a fact not
surprising, since issues of colonialism are not foreign to the original poem’
(Marshall, 2011, 143). This analysis plays out in <i>Beowulf</i> (1998) directed by Graham Baker, which suggests Grendel as
the result of violence by the incoming masculine Scandinavian colonists on the
feminine indigenous population, and also in <i>Beowulf</i>
(2007) directed by Robert Zemeckis, which suggests that the demons Grendel and
Grendel’s mother have a long standing adversarial relationship with men when
Grendel’s mother says ‘they have slain so many of our kind.’<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> <i>Outlander</i> is another <i>Beowulf</i> adaptiation, positing the action
in 709 AD Norway. Unlike <i>The 13th Warrior</i>,
which is supposed to be historically plausible, <i>Outlander</i> is not, being also a science-fiction story. However, the
action that takes place in Norway isn’t outside the realm of what may have been
possible, if we accept the premise of the film that Earth was in fact a seed
colony that was abandoned and that aliens exist. Attention is then paid to
details of Viking life. Marshall has already shown how the overarching theme of
the film is rooted in postcolonialism. Kainan is from another planet, and crash
lands on earth with two Moorwen on his ship. Kainan must fight and kill the
monster, however, part of the reason for the monster’s monstrosity is that
Kainan and his people, as Kainan says ‘are no different from yours, hungry for
land.’ He describes the genocide of the Moorwen as atrocious, attributing more
sentience to the Moorwen than we have yet seen: ‘we told ourselves they were
nothing, just animals, beasts, so we killed them all with fire.’ Ultimately it
is a condemnation of the colonial experiment, with no resolution for us,
besides to make the best of the mess that we have made. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> <i>Pathfinder</i> (2007), directed by Marcus
Nispel, is another film set at the time of Viking arrival in North America. These
are overrepresented in the corpus, but it is of interest to American audiences.
With no less complicated a textual history than The Thirteenth Warrior, <i>Pathfinder</i> is based on the film <i>Ofelaš</i>, which is based on the Sami
folktale (Davidson, 2011, 96). The People of the Dawn, a supposedly ‘pre-written
history’ Native American nation, are the humans in this. The natives speak
English and we see their social structure. They even have faces, which the
Vikings do not, hidden as they are behind their monstrous masks and make-up.
Colonialism is deliberately invoked not only by the subject matter, the
resetting of this tale in the context of North America, but also by dialogue.
The desired outcome for the Vikings is genocide; they want the land. The
Vikings’ violence includes torturing Natives by pulling them apart with horses
or holding them upside down over fires. The reason this is still seen from the
dominant culture’s perspective is that the audience is tied with the main
character Ghost, the Viking boy left behind on an earlier raid, who has to try
to combat the violence and come to terms with this tendency of his ancestors.
The movie does not give him the symbols of native power in the end, but it does
state that his presence forever changed the people. This is loaded with
meaning. We must make our home in this place that our people ravaged with
violence. The film asks are we, or are we not, extensions of them and that
violence? According to Davidson, Pathfinder finds ethnic identity to be
self-constructed (Davidson, 2011, 100). By making the Vikings, the European invaders,
into the faceless savages the film asks us to reinterpret our colonial past
along more contemporary political lines. Yet it does fall into the trap where
white men are saving brown women, though in this case it is from other white men
(Spivak, 2010, 2122). It tries to pull itself out of these negative racial
implications by making Starfire the leader of The People of the Dawn at the
end. <i>Pathfinder</i> demonizes
colonialism. The Europeans and the Native group are essentialist versions of
good and bad. And yet it does offer us a way to be good descendants of
Europeans, speaking directly to a settler colonial audience. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> It
is tempting to see <i>The Viking</i> and <i>Pathfinder</i> on opposite ends of a scale,
the former that valorizes colonialism through Vikings and the latter that very
literally demonizes it. The image is
complicated by the fact that the Vikings at the very beginning of <i>The Viking</i> are engaged in violence
against the English and the fact that Ghost is linked intrinsically with his
Viking past. However, the break from barbarity symbolized by Leif Ericsson’s
Christianity and Ghost’s choice to break with his violent past and to become a part
of the Native culture allow us to
maintain these two as extreme ideological stances to colonialism. They reflect
their culture’s values and political stances on colonialism. But both are
similar in the way they engage the discourse from the point of view of the
dominant culture. Both propose actions that allow us to continue living in a
‘postcolonial’ America; <i>The Viking</i>
proposes we be proud and <i>Pathfinder</i>
proposes that we acknowledge our violent past, try to stop the violence, and
attempt forms of hybrid culture. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> <i>How to Train your Dragon</i>, directed by
Dean DeBlois and Chris Sanders, engages explicitly with a colonial narrative in
a very interesting way compared to the other films. Unlike the Vikings in <i>Island at the Top of the World</i>, these
characters are not afraid of becoming subalterns and losing their culture to a
dominant force, they are already a dominant culture dealing with a particularly
aggressive subaltern group. The fact that members of the subaltern group are slightly
sentient animals makes an interesting statement about colonialism for a
postcolonial audience. For a society that sees, at least in our politically
correct media rhetoric, all humans as absolutely human, to make the subalterns
unhuman reminds us that this was not always the case. Unlike the Moorwen in <i>Outlander</i>, the sentience of the dragons
is made apparent to the audience by the particularly expressive eyes of
Toothless, the Night Fury. The relationship between the two groups has been
characterized by violence. Hiccup, our protagonist, explains the history of his
village, showing that they are colonists who have been there for seven generations,
and that since that time they have been at war with dragons. The vocabulary of
war, as opposed to environment management, is also indicative of the dragons as
a competing people. When Hiccup befriends Toothless, and they work out an
arrangement that is mutually beneficial, he exclaims ‘everything we know about
you is wrong.’ This is a narrative about trying to understand other cultures.
At a climactic point in the movie, Hiccup is trying to change his father
Stoic’s mind. Stoic reminds Hiccup about the danger of this indigenous group,
that they have killed hundreds of the Vikings. Hiccup retorts that the Vikings
have killed thousands of the dragons. He advocates not just trying to
understand another culture, but also trying to understand the negative aspects
of that culture. The language used positions this conflict in the history of
colonial conflicts, advocating hybridity and understanding. Just like in <i>The 13<sup>th</sup> Warrior</i>, those
cultures that can achieve hybridity and a mutual understanding, must team up to
face those forces that cannot or will not choose hybridity, and that devour
(through genocide) the cultures they encounter. In this case, a great monster,
not even called a dragon in the film, is the focus of a joint effort by both
Vikings and dragons. <i>How to Train your
Dragon 2</i> (2014) targets people who prolong colonial conflict for monetary
gain, playing on the same colonial themes as the first movie. Seeing these
movies as commentary on colonialism is complicated by the fact that the dragons
become pets in the context of the village, reminding us again that we are
dealing with dragons and not another people. Nevertheless, this is the most
cohesive argument espousing understanding as a way of life amongst peoples who
will continue to live in a colonial situation, as is the case in the United
States. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> These
are Viking movies where the colonial narrative is central to the film. These
films are deliberately working through the colonial experience, though from
widely different viewpoints and with widely different results. This represents
a good majority of the corpus, though not its entirety. The most famous Viking
film made in the United States is <i>The
Vikings</i> (1958) directed by Richard Fleischer. This also represents cultural
interaction, but it is not necessarily positing one culture as dominant and one
as subaltern; nor do the choices of cultures evoke colonial situations for a
modern audience. The two cultures in <i>The
Vikings</i> are a small English kingdom and the Vikings. While the Vikings did
set up colonies in England, this is not what is being evoked, nor is it assumed
that is common knowledge to 1950s audiences. So colonialism is not being
directly invoked. However one of the primary concerns of the film is the
difference between barbarity and civility. This is particularly seen through
Ragnar, the Viking King played by Ernest Borgnine. He, as a noble Viking,
comments on a description of an English punishment with ‘ah, you see, the
English are civilized.’ We are supposed to be shocked by the violence of the
Viking, but later we are shocked by the violence of the English, who cut off the
main character’s hand and throw Ragnar to the wolves. The English may represent
civilization, but they are no more civilized, despite their Christianity. Kathleen
Kelly argues that for <i>The Vikings</i> ‘the
alterity of the Viking Age furnishes the pretext for representations of
violence and sex’ (Kelly, 2011, 15). To American audiences the Middle Ages is
known to be barbaric, and Viking Age settings can really capitalize on these
assumptions. The concepts of civility and barbarians are both old and very new.
Us versus them, and the value of our ways versus theirs, is a very old concept.
However, the idea that a people is intrinsically barbaric, and that
civilization must be brought to them so they can embrace it, is an idea rooted
in nineteenth century colonialism that, among the films, has perhaps its best
expression in <i>The Vikings</i>. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The concept of human barbarity is
systemic in Viking films. It is also the major theme of <i>The Saga of the Viking Women and their voyage to the lands of the great
sea-serpent</i>. The women are seen casting votes, which is intrinsically
civilized to an American audience, but doing it with spears, to signify the
alterity and barbarity of the past. In <i>Outlander</i>
Kainan decides not to go back to his supposedly more refined society, but to
stay with the seemingly barbaric Vikings at the end of the film. He has
questioned his society’s refinement by reflecting on the role he had in the
Moorwen genocide. In <i>The 13<sup>th</sup>
Warrior</i> Ibn Fadlan is disgusted with the practices of the Vikings, who use
the same bowl to rinse out their mouths. This is true to the original Ibn
Fadlan text, but an interesting inclusion for American audiences who have
othered parts of the Middle East as backwards, as opposed to progressive. In <i>Pathfinder</i> Ghost is driven to speaking
in Norse like the Vikings to save Starfire’s hand. The Viking comments that he
‘knew you could speak like a human,’ which is ironic to audiences who have been
taking the Vikings to be the monstrous other and the Natives as humans. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The anthropomorphizing of beasts, like
the Moorwen, the dragons or even the Wendol, takes the idea of being intrinsically
barbaric (or animalistic) or civilized to a new level, by really asking to
broaden our understanding of what is human, and to question the humanity of
‘civilization.’ Homi Baba has said that the very concepts of civility and
barbarity as we understand it are born out of colonial thoughts:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">For at the same
time as the question of cultural difference emerged in the colonial text,
discourses of civility were defining the doubling moment of the emergence of
Western modernity. Thus the political and theoretical genealogy of modernity
lies not only in the origins of the <i>idea</i>
of civility, but in this history of the colonial moment (Bhaba, 2010, 2367).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">The Vikings</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> asks us to question how different these people who are our
ancestors are from us, and work through the suspicion that ‘the Vikings lurk
under the layers of modern civilization, waiting to reemerge – a past identity,
a repressed self, what lies beneath’ (Aronstein, 2011, 73). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> In <i>Prince Valiant</i> (1954) the Vikings under
Sligon are a barbaric people who are slowly being civilized as they are brought
into the folds of Christianity. This film is based on Hal Foster’s long running
comic strip. Even though Prince Valiant and his family, influenced by
Christianity and civilization espoused by King Arthur’s court, look nothing
like their Viking brethren, people in Briton continue to treat him differently,
as if the barbarity of being a Viking was somehow inherent in his blood,
recalling <i>Pathfinder</i> and also
Victorian essentialism. But if he is governed first by his nature as a Viking,
he is then a perfect example of what postcolonial theorists like Spivak describe
as the marginal buffer group: ‘even the third group on the list, the buffer
group, as it were, between the people and the great macro-structural dominant
groups, is itself defined as a place of in-betweenness’ (Spivak, 2010, 2118).
Bhaba uses terms like hybridity to describe the fluidity between different
cultures. Most often the protagonist of the Viking films is someone who
understands and can assimilate both cultures. Prince Valiant is one example, as
is Eric, Tony Curtis’s character in <i>The
Vikings</i>. Eric is part English and part Viking, though he knows about
neither side of his heritage until the end of the film. He understands the
violence and values of both cultures, and can participate in both. The films do
not necessarily agree on the role of the go-between, as Prince Valiant does not
seem to value the culture of his native Vikings, wishing instead to bring his
people into the folds of Arthur’s court and Christianity. <i>The Viking</i> is also advocating for the subaltern to come nearer to
the dominant culture. In <i>The Norseman</i>
the Native girl embraces hybridity, recognizing the Vikings are the party in
the right, and shunning her own community. Hiccup is the go-between who stems
the violence through his hybridity. Eric in <i>The
Vikings</i> and Ibn Fadlan in <i>The 13th
Warrior</i> embrace a hybridity that does not seek to change either culture, or
to choose one or the other. Instead, they simply gain the tools to act in both
worlds. The conclusions for those characters who embrace, or are forced to
embrace, hybridity, often reflect the overall attitudes of the individual film
to colonialism. The prevalence of this type of character throughout the corpus
is indicative of how prevalent the concepts of colonialism are in Viking films,
and also reflect the heterogeneity of the way these films, and in turn the
dominant culture, deal with those concepts. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Reflecting
on the role colonialism played in the formation of nineteenth century
nationalism, we could even bring outliers like <i>The Viking Sagas</i> (1995) directed by Michael Chapman into this
discourse. However, this example may be more instructive as an outlier. While
more concerned with the ‘fate of Iceland’ and what it means to be a ‘Viking’ than
the actual sagas that inspire the film, this film is the one example of an
American film, or at least a film produced by an American production company,
about Vikings that is insular, the characters are not interacting with other cultures.
It stands out because of this, drawing attention back to the way cultural
interaction, which is not separated from a colonial narrative, has dominated narrative
in the other films. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The
link between Vikings and colonialism is strong and continues to have an
enduring legacy. Even the recent Marvel movies, although the characters
self-identify as Asgardians instead of Vikings, engage in the post-colonial
discourse. In <i>The Avengers</i> (2012),
directed by Joss Whedon, Nick Fury comments to Thor and the other Avengers that
the Asgardians’ appearance on earth forever changed the way they saw themselves:
“we learned not only are we not alone, but we are hopelessly, hilariously,
outgunned.” The dominant culture is becoming aware, as it tries to do away with
essentialisms that place one ethnicity forever above another, there is a
possibility of a dominant group becoming subaltern. This has particular meaning
for American audiences, whose history has demonstrated the devastation of an
invading colonial force. The concept of colonialism changes with the time
period and with the politics of those making the film, but Viking movies evoke
national myth-building for postcolonial audiences and ask those in the dominant
culture to come to terms with the barbaric practices of colonialism.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<h1>
<span lang="EN-US">Bibliography<o:p></o:p></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11.0pt; font-weight: normal; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><w:sdtpr></w:sdtpr></span></h1>
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<!--[if supportFields]><span lang=EN-US><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
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<span lang="EN-US">—. 2011.
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Know What's in Your Wallet?'. In <i>The Vikings on Film: Essays on Depiction
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<span lang="EN-US">—. 2011.
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<span lang="EN-US">Haydock,
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<i><span lang="EN-US">How to Train
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Directed by Dean Deblois and Chris Sanders. Performed by Jay Baruchel. DVD.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i><span lang="EN-US">How to Train
Your Dragon 2.</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> 2014.
Directed by Dean Deblois. Performed by Jay Baruchel. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Kelly, Kathleen
Coyne. 2011. The Trope of the Scopic in The Vikings (1958). In <i>The Vikings
on Film: Essays on Depiction of the Nordic Middle Ages</i>, edited by Kevin
Harty, 9-23. London: McFarland & Company Inc..<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Lloyd, David.
1999. <i>Ireland after History.</i> Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame
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<i><span lang="EN-US">Lost Colony:
The Legend of Roanoke.</span></i><span lang="EN-US">
2007. Directed by Rafael Jordan. Performed by Adrian Paul. DVD.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Lupack, Alan. 2011.
Valiant and Villainous Vikings. In <i>The Vikings on Film: Essays on
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<span lang="EN-US">Marshall, David
W. 2011. Harrying an Infinite Horizon: The Ethics of Expansionism in
Outlander (2008). In <i>The Vikings on Film: Essays on Depictions of the
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<i><span lang="EN-US">Outlander.</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> 2008. Directed by Howard McCain.
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<span lang="EN-US">Parker, Joanne. 2002.
<i>The Day of a Thousand Years.</i> Vol. XII, in <i>Studies in Medievalism:
Film and Fiction Reviewing the Middle Ages</i>, edited by Tom Shippey, 113-136.
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<i><span lang="EN-US">Pathfinder.</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> 2007. Directed by Marcus Nispel.
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<span lang="EN-US">Said, Edward. 2010.
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by Vincent B. Leitch, 1866-1888. New York: W.W. Norton & Company.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i><span lang="EN-US">Severed Ways:
The Norse Discovery of America.</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> 2007. Directed by Tony Scott. Performed by Tony Scott. DVD.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Shipley, Marie A.
Brown. 1887. <i>The Icelandic Discoverers of America, or Honor to Whom Honor
is Due.</i> New York: John B. Alden.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Sklar, Elizabeth
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<span lang="EN-US">Spivak, Gayatri
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Production of Hal Foster's Prince Valiant (1997). In <i>The Vikings on Film:
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Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-7108825055241493502014-06-22T17:59:00.000-07:002014-06-22T17:59:15.778-07:00The Curious Case of the Nelis Dutch VillageFirst, it is enjoyable, and you should go. Second, it is a little bit of a public history anomaly, which might make it more interesting.<br />
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<a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-z6uZI1_Epyg/U6d4TeiA-9I/AAAAAAAAAlc/n0rUZZ5QFRo/s1600/Iphone+134.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-z6uZI1_Epyg/U6d4TeiA-9I/AAAAAAAAAlc/n0rUZZ5QFRo/s1600/Iphone+134.JPG" height="320" width="240" /></a></div>
Established mid-20th century, the founding of the <a href="http://www.dutchvillage.com/" target="_blank">Nelis Dutch Village</a> is described as a completely rational extension of the tulip farm that the Nelis family owned and run in the first half of the century. As you ramble through the tulip gardens, you are greeted with distinctly dutch looking buildings, attractions and artefacts. It is a celebration of Dutch culture.<br />
<br />
But the interesting part is it is a celebration of just Dutch culture, not Dutch American culture (besides the Nelis family history). The mandate of the park seems to be to bring a part of Dutch culture to the United States. But then again, apart from some artefacts like an amazing player organ, they things they are presenting are not Dutch, but in fact just in a Dutch style. Like there are buildings and costumes from different provinces in the Netherlands, but none of them were made in the Netherlands, just in a style that is identifiably Dutch. And it is a bit of a rag tag representation as well, basically what nineteenth century antiquarians collecting people's national character would consider truly 'Dutch.'<br />
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<a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-kWxT8AXVzdM/U6d4qFhUqNI/AAAAAAAAAlk/UalhiaGpSSM/s1600/Iphone+043.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-kWxT8AXVzdM/U6d4qFhUqNI/AAAAAAAAAlk/UalhiaGpSSM/s1600/Iphone+043.JPG" height="240" width="320" /></a></div>
For comparison, the closest thing I can compare it to is the <a href="http://www.skansen.se/en/kategori/english" target="_blank">Skansen</a> park in Stockholm. In fact, this is, according to Skansen, the model for all of these history parks which present a nineteenth century nationalist view of nationality. And Skansen owns up to this part of its history. But the buildings brought from all over Sweden are just that, actually buildings that are now being preserved by Skansen. The Nelis Dutch village is not preserving artefacts as a result of a nationalist impulse to preserve culture. It has skipped the preservation part and gone right for the nationalist impulse.<br />
<br />
Like Skansen, the Nelis Dutch Village also has some turn of the century rides and a park, which I think most health and safety officials would balk at. For instance, they have a sort of small zipline which is unmanned, so it is simply up to parents to keep their kids safe, and I did see one kid tumble off the 4 ft. high platform while I was there.<br />
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Perhaps the most interesting thing there is the museum, which houses a collection of dolls with different Dutch costumes, and gives some very patchy information about Dutch culture without much explanation. For instance their exhibit about <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sinterklaas#Zwarte_Piet" target="_blank">Sinterklaas</a> and Zwarte Piet is controversial when it doesn't need to be, because Zwarte Piet is and should be a controversial thing to American audiences, but an interesting (maybe slightly controversial) part of Dutch culture, that is not being adequately explained here. It is just presented, without comment and without much information, so that all it looks like is that slavery is condoned in Dutch culture, which is totally inaccurate. The museum does not have much, but shows the nationalist impulse that drives the park by showing only old customs and images of the Dutch royal family.<br />
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The bottom line is that I am not sure what to make of it. I liked it, I did, but my public history self was also cringing the entire time that I was there, thinking things like 'what is your mandate' and 'where are the safety precautions' and often just 'what?'.<br />
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A museum which is not representing anyone or any history in particular, and a theme park without a lot of rides or safety standards, it does educate about folk customs, folk dress, different kinds of architecture and food. The staff put a lot of work into the demonstrations, and they are worth seeing, as is the whole park. But all of it presents an idealistic vision of a general Netherlands, that may have in part still existed when Harry Nelis settled in Holland Michigan, or at least existed as a vision in part formed by turn of the century intellectuals caught up in nationalism before the advent of WWI. What it does represent is a tendency for displaced peoples to romanticize their roots, and hold on to and honour customs, languages and practices that become defunct in the original homeland, and it is perhaps the best example of that that I have ever seen.Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-71046265242339365812014-05-19T09:04:00.001-07:002014-05-19T09:04:44.895-07:00Recapping: My second year of the PhD and International Congress of Medieval Studies 2014<br />
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<img alt="Photo: Spring!" height="320" src="https://scontent-a-lga.xx.fbcdn.net/hphotos-prn2/t1.0-9/p526x296/1557698_10152802820363852_5045912539715998856_n.jpg" width="320" /></div>
<br />
This was my first time going to Congress while actually attending Western Michigan University. It is good to have your own apartment. My mother once described the dorm rooms (she came with me the year I decided to go to WMU) as soul crushing. I was just pleased to see the sun on campus. It has been a long, cold winter.<br />
<br />
This was possibly the most challenging year of school I have ever undertaken. This is evidenced in the frequency of my blog posts. Next year I start my comps. Ahh. But one person said that actually, it just isn't as hard as having to produce three graduate length seminar papers at the end of a semester. I will see, I guess.<br />
<br />
And it looks like I will be able to write my thesis about characterizations of Haraldr hardrada. So that is the plan, though one hates to make such definite statements going into it. But I already researched a bad Victorian poet who writes about the Conquest, and also looked at his characterization in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. So I have done some work on this so far. Not only am I super interested in him, I am hoping it will tie in my English, History and Public History training. In my fantasy dream world I imagine me writing a book that comes out just when they release that movie that is rumoured to be going into production, or that they let me help on the movie set (a career dream of mine, to be an advisor on a movie set) but I am also aware of how unproductive such thoughts are. Helpful hints and suggestions about sources are welcome for now.<br />
<br />
This summer is full of all those extra projects that come from working on a PhD. I am attending two conferences, entering essay competitions, and trying (as we are all trying) to make someone publish one of these. The first conference was the International Congress of Medieval Studies at Kalamazoo. I saw a lot of good papers. I apologize if I don't remember what your paper was about, as it is more likely due to paper burnout than poor papers.<br />
<br />
<h3>
Thursday May 8, 2014</h3>
<h4>
<br /></h4>
<h4>
1:30 - Session 79: New Voices in Anglo-Saxon Studies I</h4>
Portents and the Natural World in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle - <a href="http://www.medievalstudies.uconn.edu/students.html" target="_blank">M. Goodrich, Univ. of Conneticut</a><br />
<br />
I was interested in this paper because I mentioned the portents of 1066 mentioned in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle in my own paper. I thought it was interesting, though I had a bit of a hard time following it, mostly because my paper was at 3:30. But what I understood was that the portents can be subdivided by type, and that they do correspond with political events, particularly turmoil in the upper echelons of power.<br />
<br />
Counting Crows and Crakes: Measuring Norse and English Vocabulary in Minor Names - <a href="http://www.nottingham.ac.uk/english/people/aexeary" target="_blank">Eleanor Rye, University of Nottingham</a><br />
<br />
From one of my old alma maters, I could recognize the influence of the <a href="http://www.nottingham.ac.uk/ins/index.aspx" target="_blank">Institute for Name-Studies</a> in her work. She was presenting on a section of her PhD project, showing the Norse influence in minor place names in England. Using many lovely graphics, she was able to demonstrate the influence on one of the regions of England, but for the life of me I can't remember which one.<br />
<br />
I skipped out on the third presentation, leaving my diet coke behind, because I had to go make copies of my extensive handout.<br />
<br />
<h4>
3:30 - Session 139: The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</h4>
<div>
<br /></div>
The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle's Shifting Rhetoric of Danish Ethnicity during the Reigns of Alfred and Edward - <a href="http://www.english.tamu.edu/people/bmize?destination=user%2F10" target="_blank">Britt Mize, Texas A&M University</a><br />
<br />
My co-presenter in this panel. we thought afterwards since the third presenter wasn't there, we could probably have actually named this session characterizations of Scandinavians in The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. This was an excellent paper that showed that during Alfred's reign, immigrant Danes were called Danes when they were an attacking enemy force. However, in times of peace the people of Northumbria lose the epithet of Dane. However, this pattern changes towards Edward's time, as Dane is used as a descriptor even for groups that are not attacking, but that are settled. It is of course used for those literally coming over on a boat from Denmark, but the focus of the study was on the descriptors of people living in England.<br />
<br />
The 1066 Norwegian Invasion of England and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle - <b>Megan Arnott</b><br />
<br />
I, of course, thought this went quite well. I'm not sure I was good at answering questions, but that is always the hardest part. I had a handout placing the Chronicles next to each other, and a powerpoint, just because I think you should always have a powerpoint to keep people interested in what you are saying. For an earlier version of this paper you can see my blog. It has of course been revised, but the arguments are the same.<br />
<br />
A special shout-out to M. Wendy Hennequin from Tennessee State University, who was very friendly and very helpful as the presider of the session.<br />
<br />
<h4>
7:30 - Session 149: Norse Bishops' Sagas and Their European Contexts</h4>
<div>
<br /></div>
The Translated Bishop: The Icelandic Saintly Bishops, (Inter)nationality, and Locality - <a href="http://starfsfolk.hi.is/en/simaskra/739" target="_blank">Ásdís Egilsdóttir, Háskóli Íslands</a><br />
<br />
This was a very interesting paper, showing that some of the miracles performed in the Bishop Sagas have an international flavour in the way that they are presented in the texts. A.k.a. the way the miracle is described has parallels in European tradition, though some are distinctly Icelandic.<br />
<br />
Lárentius saga and Social Networks - <a href="http://www.arnastofnun.is/Apps/WebObjects/SAM32.woa/wa/dp?detail=1028449&name=arnastofnun_vidburdir2" target="_blank">Erika Sigurdson, Stofnun Árna Magnússonar í íslenskum fræðum</a><br />
<div>
<br /></div>
This paper mapped the connections between the characters to show Larentius's international flavours. It showed Larentius as at the centre of the map, but showed that he had ties to a great many people in other places in Europe. It was a great way to visually represent the saga, and it showed many things about the text. The visual mapping is a great tool to show who is at the centre and who isn't.<br />
<br />
<h3>
Friday May 9, 2014</h3>
<div>
<br /></div>
<h4>
10:00 - Session 219: Social Contracts and Contacts in Old English and Old Norse Literature</h4>
<div>
<br /></div>
The Old English Julianna and the Economy of Debt - <a href="http://www.english.utoronto.ca/facultystaff/facultyprofiles/michelet.htm" target="_blank">Fabienne Michelet, University of Toronto</a><br />
<br />
This demonstrated that Julianna's actions are reacting to a society which monetizes everything, including people. She is offering people an alternative, a life of religion, in direct opposition to this economy, and borrows vocabulary from this economy to make her points more poignant.<br />
<br />
I Did Not Convey the Feud: Changing Perceptions of Fæhð in Anglo-Saxon Literature - <a href="http://www.wmich.edu/history/academics/graduate/graduatestudents/phd-candidates.html" target="_blank">David DiTucci, University of Western Michigan/State College of Florida</a><br />
<br />
This was a really interesting exploration of feud, tracking the feud from its elevated status in Anglo-Saxon literature, or Germanic culture, and its subsequent descent either with the introduction of Christianity, or at approximately the same time as that, and the shades fo grey in between.<br />
<br />
'O Mighty Mud-Dweller' : Non-Sexual Insults in the Saga of Bjorn, Champion of the Hitardal People - <a href="http://wmich.academia.edu/RebeccaStraple" target="_blank">Becky Straple, Western Michigan University</a><br />
<br />
A great exploration of the often overlooked non-sexual insults, this paper showed that the contest, while part of a love triangle, is actually more about the relationship between the two men. While it is hard to separate out the non-sexual insults, it is easier to see the relationship between the two men when that subset of insults is focused on. Go Becky!<br />
<br />
<h4>
1:30 - Session 261: Bilingual England: Translation and Beyond</h4>
<div>
<br /></div>
'Forsothe wythoute Lye': The Increased Importance of Truthfulness and Exactness in Two Middle English Romance Adaptations of Old French Sources - <a href="http://www.ed.ac.uk/schools-departments/literatures-languages-cultures/english-literature/postgraduate/phd/student-profiles?person_id=142&cw_xml=profile.php" target="_blank">Drew Maxwell, University of Edinburgh</a><br />
<br />
This paper compared English Romances with the Old French sources. It compared specific lines to show how the emphasis had been moved to truthfulness.<br />
<br />
A Failure to Communicate: The Implications of Trilingual Identity in the Auchinleck of Arthour and of Merlin - <a href="http://english.uconn.edu/graduate/EGSA/studentdir.html" target="_blank">Patrick Butler, University of Conneticut</a><br />
<br />
Looking at romances to also help understand the history, this paper was showing a progression of the way people understood and accepted each other after the Conquest. For instance, the issues that manifested early in English - Norman interaction were lessened over time. The romance shows an interestingly complex implication for trilingual identity in the Romance.<br />
<br />
Storming the Castle: Eros and Allegory in Spiritual Discourse - Claire Snow, University of Denver<br />
<br />
The allegory of castle storming is very clearly a sexual one, with the castle standing for the female body. The paper demonstrated this. However, in spiritual discourse, the allegory becomes more nuanced, and is not necessarily about actual sex, but the overcoming of defenses, etc. important to spiritual allegory.<br />
<br />
This whole panel is less in my field, so was a little harder for me to follow, but very interesting.<br />
<br />
<h3>
Saturday May 10, 2014</h3>
<h4>
<br />10:00 - Session 374: Old English and Old Norse Connections</h4>
<br />
Wandering Exploration, and Dependence in Anglo-Saxon and Scandinavian Comitatus Relationships - <a href="http://cambridge.academia.edu/ScottReu" target="_blank">Scott Douglas Reu, University of Cambridge</a><br />
<br />
This paper looked at the importance of the comitatus relationship, and the idea of exile from it. It looked at how this seems to differ in different places, as in Iceland people are evidencing much more independence in the sagas, and exile is not the burden that it is in the Anglo-Saxon literature.<br />
<br />
Treason at the Gifstōl: Beowulf lines 168-170, Genesis B, and the Stōll in Old Norse Sagas - Mary Helen Galluch, Western Michigan University<br />
<br />
I recognize this in part from our Beowulf and its Old Norse sources seminar. This paper looked at these very difficult to translate lines, and traced why they are often thought to have religious overtones, by comparing the idea of the stoll in other Anglo-Saxon literature and Old Norse literature as well.<br />
<br />
The Dead Speak: Soul and Body in Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse Literatures - <a href="http://ilseschweitzer.weebly.com/" target="_blank">Ilse Schweitzer VanDonkelaar - Western Michigan University</a><br />
<br />
This paper demonstrated the intimate connection between soul and body in Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse literature, looking also at word choice.<br />
<br />
<h4>
1:30 pm - Session 421: Scandinavian Studies</h4>
<br />
Being a Poet: Snorri's Mead Myth as an Esoteric Guide to Poetic Craft - <a href="http://eirikwestcoat.wordpress.com/" target="_blank">Eirik Westcoat, Independent Scholar</a><br />
<br />
I was very interested in this because of the work I did on Icelandic Mead this semester. This was about the way that the mead myth was in many ways allegorical for the production of poetry, including the association of poetry with something sweet.<br />
<br />
Agency and Social Constraint in Laxdaela saga - <a href="http://english.nd.edu/people/phd-students/" target="_blank">Melissa Mayus, University of Notre Dame</a><br />
<br />
Looking at the interactions between the characters the social constraints, that of having to avenge oneself for insult or injury, are so strong that they take away characters' agency. Compare this to Njals Saga, where the characters can maintain good ties between two families, despite feuding wives. This is not the case in Laxdaela Saga.<br />
<br />
Unraveling Narratives: Contexts of the Scandinavian Conversion in Adam of Bremen - <a href="http://bc.academia.edu/MatthewDelvaux" target="_blank">Matthew Delvaux, Boston College</a><br />
<br />
Adam of Bremen's concerns, and motivations, are outlined here in this paper. It is showing that Adam had certain local political concerns for his account of the Scandinavian conversion.<br />
<br />
<h4>
3:30 - Session 451: The Medievalism of J.K. Rowling's Harry Potter Volumes</h4>
<br />
A Better Band of Hall-Thanes: Harry Potter and the Comitatus Bond - <a href="http://www.tnstate.edu/faculty/whennequin/" target="_blank">M. Wendy Hennequin, Tennessee State University</a><br />
<br />
I am convinced that the organizations in Harry Potter are reflective of a comitatus band, such as the Order of the Pheonix, Dumbledore's Army, and even the Death Eaters. However, it is also convincing that while the bond is important, after the influence of WWII, you can't just follow blindly your lord, as you would in Anglo-Saxon literature. You must be loyal, but also on the side of good. Voldemort is a terrible lord because he forgot the reciprocal part of the bargain.<br />
<br />
Reappropriating the 'Sword in the Stone' and 'Broken Sword' Motifs in J.K. Rowling's Harry Potter - <a href="http://bgsu.academia.edu/AlexandraGarner" target="_blank">Alexandra Garner, Independent Scholar</a><br />
<br />
Harry, Ron and Neville both find swords, and break 'swords' (wands), indicating that they are the inheritors of an Arthurian tradition. The found sword (of Gryffindor) signifies their righteousness and conveys authority, while the broken sword (wand) indicates difficulty in acting (though, for Ron and Neville it is because the wand wasn't their wand, and for Harry, since it is his wand, he gets it back in the end). That Harry chooses his own wand, and not the elder wand, shows a breaking with the Arthurian tradition, that Harry is not Arthur, as he will not be king.<br />
<br />
Harry Potter and the Feast of All Saints - <a href="http://iastate.academia.edu/SusanYager" target="_blank">Susan Yager, Iowa State University</a><br />
<br />
The saintly nature of many of the characters, especially the reverence due to them, and their acts of martyrdom, is evidence, and is drawn attention to by Rowling, who starts events on All-Saints Day.<br />
<br />
Harry and the Theologians: Medieval Representations of Evil in Harry Potter - J<a href="https://www.faulkner.edu/directory/" target="_blank">oshua Fullman, Faulkner University</a> and Maegan Detlefs, Independent Scholar<br />
<br />
This was perhaps a little harder to follow, but the essence of it was that evil in Harry Potter is not absolute, but can be based in Augustinian ideas of good and evil.<br />
<br />
<h3>
Sunday May 11, 2014</h3>
<br />
<h4>
10:00 - Session 543: Viking Age Iceland</h4>
<br />
Viking Archaeology in Iceland: The Mosfell Archeological Project - <a href="http://www.viking.ucla.edu/" target="_blank">Jesse Byock, University of California - Los Angeles</a><br />
<br />
Updating us on the project, Jesse Byock demonstrated where the harbour was in the Mosfell valley, and also some of the Hinterland farmland. It was very interesting, using a lot of great visuals to tell the story.<br />
<br />
Social Space and Social Status at Viking Age Hrísbrú, Mosfellsdalur, Iceland: Interpretations Based on Integrated Geoarchaeological and Microrefuse Analyses - <a href="http://www.abdn.ac.uk/geosciences/departments/archaeology/profiles/k.milek" target="_blank">Karen Milek, University of Aberdeen</a><br />
<br />
This was complimentary to the first presentation, going into detail about how in some finds you can establish the extent of the power relations, but how at the site that they are working on, it is harder due to the smaller scale of the finds.<br />
<br />
The Viking Age Settlements of Western Norway - <a href="http://www.cristin.no/as/WebObjects/cristin.woa/wa/personVis?type=PERSON&pnr=52949&la=en" target="_blank">Søren Diinhoff, Universitetsmuseet i Bergen, Univ. i Bergen</a><br />
<br />
While I didn't find anything here inflammatory (though I am not an archaeologist) this presenter presented his findings as if they were going to be inflammatory, so may be they were. He did keep looking at Jesse Byock. But the argument here is that there is no link between the buildings of Western Norway and the ones built in Iceland. It wasn't a style they brought over, but the style of turf buildings that are in the North Atlantic were dictated by materials, not the preferences or traditions of the settlers from Norway.<br />
<br />
There was no time for questions, since all three presentations went long. Good thing the fourth one didn't show up. But very interesting.<br />
<br />
<div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><img alt="Photo: How I spent last weekend. Listening to talks, like this one by Jesse Byock." src="https://scontent-a-lga.xx.fbcdn.net/hphotos-prn2/t1.0-9/p526x296/10177964_10152820950273852_4818462136089747813_n.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;" /></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Jesse Byock and Magdalena Schmid.</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
</div>
<div>
At the end of the conference I also got some great deals on three books: <a href="http://www.brill.com/every-inch-king" target="_blank">Every Inch a King: Coparative Studies on Kings and Kingship in the Ancient and Medieval Worlds </a>edited by Lynette Mitchell and Charles Melville; <a href="http://cip.cornell.edu/DPubS?service=UI&version=1.0&verb=Display&handle=cul.isl/1346878002" target="_blank">The Partisan Muse in The Early Icelandic Sagas</a> (1200-1250) by Theodore M. Andersson; <a href="http://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/?GCOI=80140100625800" target="_blank">The Growth of the Medieval Icelandic Sagas</a> (1180-1280) also by Theodore M. Andersson. </div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
All in all successful Congress. </div>
Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-23297168035412481842014-05-06T13:50:00.001-07:002014-05-06T13:50:29.160-07:00“Looking for a muse in an old castle”: Medievalism in Ann Radcliffe's The Castles of Athlin and Dunbayne and Gaston be Blondeville<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<b>[a seminar paper for Fall semester 2013 at WMU]</b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 10.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">These picturesque visions,
in which the imagination so much delights, and every discovery, however remote,
awaken a peculiar kind of interest, and of sentiment no less delightful, which
render antiquity, of all studies, the least liable to the epithet of dry,
though dull and dry people so liberally bestow it. Antiquity is one of the
favourite regions of poetry.’ <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 10.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">‘Nay,’ said Mr. Simpson,
‘your woods and your meadows are the reign for that. Who ever thought of looking
for a muse in an old castle?’ (Radcliffe <i>Gaston
de Blondeville</i> 47)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 10.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Though part of a scholarly trend that
has tended to be dismissive of the works of ‘Mrs. Radcliffe,’ David Durant has
accurately stated that “aspects of the novels of almost every member of the
Gothic clan emerge again in Mrs. Radcliffe’s six novels; to study her work has
been to study the genre” (Durant 4). Ann Radcliffe, in part responsible for
popularizing the Gothic in the 1790s, wrote a total of six extant novels in her
lifetime. Five of these novels were published between 1789 and 1798. The last, <i>Gaston de Blondeville</i>, was written in
1802, but was not published until 1827, after her death (Radcliffe <i>Gaston de Blondeville</i> ii). Many reasons
have been given for why Radcliffe left off publishing, but all of them are
necessarily speculative. Standing apart from her other novels in many, <i>Gaston de Blondeville</i>, in a genre that
relies on a medieval setting, is the most insistently ‘medieval’ an
eighteenth/nineteenth century novel could be. In the above extract, Willoughton
and Simpson, two characters who are wandering from Coventry to Warwick, stop to
see the ruins of Kenilworth castle in the Arden forest. What follows is an
unrelenting exploration of the role of the past in works of ‘fiction.’ Durant
has criticized the work for being too bogged down in the rituals of the past to
be good fiction. Radcliffe’s insistence on the past, her construction of a
history, brings to the forefront a sense of lost. Elizabeth Fay, in Romantic
Medievalisms argues that this idea of loss is “a concept peculiarly suited to
the sentimental.” (Fay 49) Clare Simmons, in Popular Medievalisms in Romantic
Era Britain, has also noted this sense of loss: “the present has lost
something, generally something value-related that the past once had” (Simmons
7). But while the English medieval past is forefront, Radcliffe does not forget
her present. As Simmons has noted, “medievalism is persistently comparative,
compelling some level of conscious contrast between the reader’s (or
observer’s) present and the recreated medieval past” (Simmons 12). Radcliffe is
using the past as a meaningful mode of expression, literally finding her muse
in the old castle.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Of
all her other works, <i>Gaston de
Blondeville </i>contrasts nicely in its use of the medieval with her first
novel, <i>The Castles of Athlin and Dunbayne</i>.
While <i>Gaston de Blondeville</i> insists
on a separation of the present and the past, <i>The Castles of Athlin and Dunbayne</i> collapses the two like a
telescope. On either side of her body of work, these may be the two most
dissimilar texts, and yet both are set in the Middle Ages on British soil,
while her other works are usually set in Mediterranean, Catholic countries on
the cusp of the medieval and the modern. In addition, they are the only two
works that are not about daughters who are searching for mothers or clashing
with father figures (Miles 4,18). They also go together as her least well
received works. Durant says that her “most obvious borrowings are in her worst
novels – in <i>The Castles of Athlin and
Dunbayne</i> and in <i>Gaston de Blondeville</i>”
(Durant 11). Robert Miles, rescuing Radcliffe’s reputation, says that <i>The Castles </i>are both the shortest of her
works, but also a little ‘thin’ (73). In his book <i>Ann Radcliffe: The Great Enchantress</i> Miles doesn’t even talk <i>about Gaston de Blondeville </i>because his
interest is in the works she was best known for, a.k.a. those published in her
lifetime. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">The
Castles of Athlin and Dunbayne</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> and <i>Gaston de Blondeville</i> buttress
Radcliffe’s work with two medieval turrets. While both texts represent the
medieval differently, they both comment on the power of ancient privilege to
oppress those in the here and now. This paper will first examine why the Middle
Ages was particularly appropriate for Radcliffe’s work, and then will examine
the use of it in both texts, before showing how both texts use the medieval as
a setting which confirms the oppression of ancient privilege, although in
neither case very simply. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Radcliffe
herself wouldn’t have considered her works to deal with the ‘medieval.’ The
first recorded use in English was actually the same year that <i>Gaston</i> was published, and so after
Radcliffe’s death (Alexander xxv). Michael Alexander identifies the 1830s as
the period when the word ‘Gothic’ came to be replaced with ‘medieval’
(Alexander xx). It is not a straight word for word substitution however, as
Gothic did have negative undertones (Alexander xx). The Goths were known for
overthrowing classical structures, though they were also thought of as
ancestors to the English (Simmons 146). Trying to link the word to the movement
of Gothic literature Miles posits: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 10.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Where, then, did the Gothic romance stand
regarding the ideological meaning of ‘Gothic’ there is no set answer to this
for the basic reason that the figure of the Goth is ideologically
overdetermined: one encounters a number of conflicting positions crowding
around it (Miles 69).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span lang="EN-US">Gothic as a period term
came to refer strictly to architecture but also, as we have seen, as whole
genre of fiction that ultimately did not have to relate directly to the Middle
Ages (Alexander xxv-i). Therefore for this paper medieval is a better
descriptor than Gothic, since the current conceptual understanding of the time
period that is being referred to in these texts is defined by medieval rather
than Gothic. Nor does thinking of the use of the period with negative
undertones necessarily help to understand the way that Radcliffe uses the past.
Radcliffe made use of medievalisms by intentionally referring to that part of
the past, though she would use different terms. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The interest in the Middle Ages – literature and
history, had been building through the eighteenth century. Alexander identifies
the 1760s as the beginning of what he calls the ‘Medieval Revival (Alexander
8). Part of the movement was that, searching for a literary past, the Middle
Ages offered literature, like romances, that were available to audiences,
larger than just those who could read the classics. Trying to define
Englishness, England looked back to medieval history and literature. Miles also
sees an increased interest developing throughout the eighteenth century that
led on a trajectory to Ann Radcliffe: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span lang="EN-US">It was a nationalist movement in that ‘Gothic’ designated, not just
the ‘Middle Ages’, but the racial past that gave birth to Englishness.
According to the outlook of the later eighteenth century, the Middle Ages came
to an end with the death of Queen Elizabeth ; Shakespeare and Spenser were
‘Gothic’ (i.e. English) writers uniquely expressing the national genius (Miles
30). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span lang="EN-US">In addition, more women
could read Shakespeare than Virgil, giving the movement impetus from that group
of readers and writers (Miles 30). Interest in the medieval was generated by
recovery of material from that time period and people’s interested in using the
materials they found there (Alexander xxii). Amongst those who borrowed forms
or subject matter from the Middle Ages in the Romantic era, Fay has identified
a chivalric and troubadour medievalisms, sometimes complimentary and sometimes
adversarial (Fay 4). Writers were now finding lively and particularly engaging
what had been sneered at only a generation before (Alexander xxiv)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Horace
Walpole wrote <i>The Castle of Otranto</i>
(1765) in the climate of this Medieval Revival. The genre is now called
‘Gothic’ because his second preface called it “A Gothic story.” As Alexander
notes:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 10.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: 2.25pt;">
<span lang="EN-US">In style and incident, <i>The Castle of Otranto</i> is an eclectic
medley of elements supposedly found in medieval romances. It is made up of five
chapters, mirroring the five acts of a play. It is a hybrid of various genres,
both a precious pastiche and a fantastic spoof (Alexander 5).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The first preface to the tale said that it was a
manuscript, found and transcribed from the ‘actual’ Middle Ages. For Walpole,
Simmons notes that he uses the medieval in two ways. He sets his tale in the
Middle Ages, in the Gothic era, because he needed structures of oppression, and
a society that was imagined to be quite oppressive (Simmons 142). However, his
use of the medieval also contained “a self-ironizing awareness of the aesthetic
and social appeal of the Middle Ages” (Simmons 143). Therefore, he has it both
ways; Walpole chooses the medieval as both a repulsive and appealing setting
for his ‘romance.’ <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">While twenty four years separate<i> Otranto </i>from <i>Castles</i>, Radcliffe makes obvious references to that medievalist
work. Miles makes a case for Radcliffe’s involvement in propagating the Gothic
genre that Walpole starts (Miles 2). Whatever Walpole’s use of the medieval in
his texts, much of that spills over in Radcliffe’s work. That her first work
also contains ‘Castle’ in the title is but one of the clues that show the
similarities (Durant 22). <i>Gaston de
Blondeville</i> also picks up on themes directly out of <i>Otranto</i>, although usually very different ones from <i>The Castles of Athlin and Dunbayne</i>. For
instance, <i>The Castles of Athlin and
Dunbayne</i> has <i>Otranto</i>’s
underground passages, has the same dithering servants, has a similar style and
is also about forcing women to marry men they do not love. <i>Gaston de Blondeville</i> contains the text of a ‘found’ manuscript, has
underground passages that specifically connect a castle with a Priory, and
takes up the plot of a man who cannot prove he is innocent, despite the fact
that he is factually so, because of the prejudices of his royal judge. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">In <i>The
Castles of Athlin and Dunbayne</i> and <i>Gaston
de Blondeville</i> Radcliffe uses both this medievalized form of the romance
from the Walpole tradition, as well as the medieval setting, characters and
ideologies. Even if scholars like Durant find, possibly justifiably so, these
two works by Ann Radcliffe derivative of sources like <i>Otranto</i>, this does not negate the interesting features of
Radcliffe’s unique use of these themes, including the Middle Ages. Miles puts
succinctly the historical, literary and social advantages Radcliffe found in
Gothic literature: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 10.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Radcliffe’s preferred wing of the house of
fiction accommodated her practice of this ‘peculiar art’. By choosing new,
Walpolian romance (recently made respectable by Clara Reeve, Charlotte Smith
and Sophia Lee), Radcliffe ostensible avoided the political controversy endemic
in the novel’s realistic depiction of modern manners; and yet, subtextually,
there was ideological advantage to be had from the myth of the Goth. The
sublime and the picturesque codified conservative values, but by the same token
these values were now placed within the unstable realm of representation, where
interpretation becomes ungovernable (Miles 55-6).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US">Radcliffe was both
part of and a propagator of this intellectual rebranding of the Middle Ages
that made peculiar use of the old branding. Gothic literature allowed her to
pursue themes of oppression and to engage with an aesthetic that had popular
appeal, while the specific use of the Middle Ages allowed her to cast social,
domestic and legal oppression into the language of ‘ancient privilege.’ The
advantages of this, as will be seen, is that it gives a realism to the type of
oppression short of drawing on real instances, which heightens the effect. It
also allows her to be simultaneously conservative and subversive. The
condemnations of the oppressive, patriarchal society are mitigated by placing
it in a geographical and temporal remove. The condemnations seem subversive,
but have conservative tones because of their setting. Conversely, the solutions
to the problems imposed by the oppressive society seem conservative because
they restore a normal, conservative world order. However, the setting of the
past likewise tempers this with a subversive undertone, by suggesting that
these solutions represent the only way these problems could be resolved in such
‘times,’ times we no longer live in. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Of course, in <i>The Castles of Athlin and Dunbayne</i> this is not abundantly clear.
The text has quite a few signifiers of the medieval, not least of which is that
it is written in the style of <i>The Castle
of Otranto</i>, recalling for readers that setting. The text opens: “On the
north-east coast of Scotland, in the most romantic part of the Highlands, stood
the Castle of Athlin; an edifice built on the summit of a rock, whose base was
in the sea. This pile was venerable from its antiquity, and from its Gothic
structure; but more venerable from the virtues which it enclosed (721).
Radcliffe describes both castles several times in terms of the ‘Gothic’: “the edifice was built with Gothic magnificence,
upon a high and dangerous rock. Its lofty towers still frowned in proud
sublimity, and the immensity of the pile stood a record of the ancient
consequence of its possessors.” (725)There is also the ruined abbey that Count
Santmorin uses as a hideout when he abducts Mary. The medieval makes its
present felt on the landscape of the novel. However, as Miles notes, the
presence of these structures is not necessarily medieval, especially not such
edifices as a ruined abbey, since presumably (though not necessarily) it would
be new in that time period (Miles 78). The description of the ruined abbey
confirms the ‘ruin’ of the medieval signifiers in the test: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">the ruins of an abbey,
whose broken arches and lonely towers arose in gloomy grandeur through the
obscurity of evening. It stood the solitary inhabitant of the wastes, - a
monument of mortality and of ancient superstition, and the frowning majesty of
its aspect seemed to command silence and veneration (759).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">How, in the context of this text, is the abbey a
monument to ‘ancient superstition,’ when presumably it is set in the Middle
Ages, when there was only one Church. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The
medieval structures that dominate the landscape, while invoking a sense of the
past, would not be enough to show that Radcliffe deliberately set the text in
the Middle Ages. Instead, it is joined with several other details. First, as
Miles notes, the only law seems to be that of feudal might, as the Earl of
Athlin and the Baron of Dunbayne are constantly conducting raids on each
other’s castles (Miles 78). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The descriptions of warfare also appears to be
deliberately medieval: “the archers who had been planted behind the walls, now
discovered themselves, and discharged a shower of arrows; at the same time
every part of the castle appeared thronged with the soldiers of the Earl, who
hurled on the heads of the astonished besiegers lances and other missile
weapons with unceasing rapidity” (753). Laura is described as being
particularly fond of the lute, which is a medieval instrument which, like the
castles, did persist into a later time, but with the other details is a
signifier of a medieval setting. Therefore, this text is intentionally
medieval, or ‘Gothic,’ in its setting, but it has collapsed the concept of
time, giving the reader no clear indication that they are in the past, but a
definitely feeling that that is where they are. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Durant’s
major criticism of <i>The Castles of Athlin
and Dunbayne</i> is its reliance on sentimental moralisms to define actions,
instead of character development (Durant 203). Instead, it may help to understand
the plot as dependent on Radcliffe’s construction of an old, sometimes
chivalric, code that imposes ideals on the characters. Radcliffe is placing
this code on the characters, which she has tentatively placed in the Middle
Ages. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">We
can argue that it is a chivalric code because it does involve ideals for
knights and for those in a martial context: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 10.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">in the morning were performed the martial
exercises, in which emulation was excited by the honourary rewards bestowed on
excellence. The Countess and her lovely daughter beheld from the ramparts of
the castle, the feats performed on the plains below. Their attention was
engaged, and their curiosity excited, by the appearance of a stranger, who
managed the lance and the how with such exquisite dexterity, as to bear off
each prize of chivalry (723).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Alleyn, one of our heroes, is the stranger. He is shown
to be worthy for his deference to these ideals. He is fiercely loyal to Osbert,
his earl and feudal superior. Even when he is torn between love of Mary and
loyalty to Osbert and his family, his loyalty and sense of duty trumps his
sentiments of love. Both Osbert and Alleyn show a desire to fight for the
honour of their names, with Alleyn also fighting for the honour of his lord and
Osbert fighting to revenge his father. Radcliffe constructs a narrative where
the characters are motivated by adherence to such chivalric ideals.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> However,
this is also a source of tension in the novel, since there are implications of
honour not just on the battlefield, but in marriage alliances as well. This is
how women are pulled into the chivalric ideal. There will be loss of honour to
the family if Mary is forced to marry the Baron of Dunbayne to ransom Osbert,
her brother. There will also be loss of honour if she is allowed to marry
Alleyn, who is below her in station. If Alleyn and Osbert’s sense of honour and
martial prowess will allow them to overcome the Baron of Dunbayne, their same
sense of honour will be a source of oppression almost harder to deal with than
the Baron, because there is no solution. They must do the impossible, which is
to keep the two from loving each other:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The Countess admired
with warmest gratitude the noble and inspiring virtues of the young Highlander,
but the proud nobility of her soul repelled with quick vivacity every idea of
union with a youth of such ignoble birth: she regarded the present attachment
as the passing impression of youthful fancy, and believed that gentle
reasoning, aided by time and endeavor, would conquer the enthusiasm of love
(734-5).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Radcliffe sets in opposition meritocracy and a chivalric
system. The whole family is tormented that Alleyn cannot have what he clearly
merits: “all these circumstances arose in strong reflection to the mind of
Osbert; but the darkness of prejudice and ancient pride opposed their
influence, and weakened their effect” (762). Mary tries to be strong but “his
disinterested and noble conduct excited emotions dangerous to her fortitude,
and which rendered yet more poignant the tortures of the approaching sacrifice”
(746). Her mother tells her “you do well to remember the dignity of your sex
and of your rank; though I must lament with you that worth like Alleyn’s is not
empowered by fortune to take its standard with nobility” (752). Osbert is
tortured by the puzzle and laments “O! that I could remove that obstacle which
withholds you from your just reward!” (762). It is not just that Radcliffe
touches on this opposition, but she returns over and over to the injustice of
it. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Even
though Radcliffe returns the status quo at the end, and shows that Alleyn has
been the rightful Baron of Dunbayne all along, this doesn’t negate the
injustice that Radcliffe has harped on throughout the ordeal of the characters.
In the system that Radcliffe is describing there is no other way to bring about
a solution that would bring Alleyn and Mary together at the end. While it would
seem that Radcliffe is using a construction of a chivalric code in a
conservative way, in fact it also shows how the ‘ancient pride’ and prejudices
inherent in this code are oppressive. Mary herself is oppressed on all sides by
this societal structure. She cannot adopt the martial part of the code, and so
can only honour the family by making marriage alliances. The Baron of Dunbayne
can demand her hand because of the victories he has won over Osbert in battle.
When that threat is removed, she cannot rely on love to decide whom she will
marry. Indeed, like the castles and the abbeys that are in part ruined, these
oppressive systems are, as Miles terms it, parasitic parts of the past preying
on the present (Miles 78). The phrase ‘ancient pride’ really drives this home.
The very loose delineation of time period for the setting helps to make this
point relevant to Radcliffe’s readers. The ‘ancient pride’ which leads to
oppression is meant to resonate with her audience. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US"> If <i>The Castles of Athlin and Dunbayne</i> is suggestive of medieval
history, ideals and literature, <i>Gaston de
Blondeville</i> is insistent upon it. The whole title, <i>Gaston de Blondeville or The Court of Henry III: Keeping Festival in
Ardenne: A Romance</i>, makes this point very well. We have the name of our
anti hero attached to a specific historical figure, attached to a specific
medieval practice, with a mention also of the specifically medieval form of
literature that is being used. In this text Radcliffe is intentionally engaging
in two kind of medievalism trends of the eighteenth century. Alexander has
noted that correctitude was highly prized, so that “it was usual to correct older
texts when reprinting them” (Alexander 18). Willoughton, the antiquarian who
frames the narrative of the text, is shown to be reproducing the text by
changing the letters from black face and updating some of the words so we can
read it. However, Alexander also says that “the outbreak of medievalism in the
1760s was in part simply the result of the melting away of the prestige
attached by neo-classical literary theory to notions of correctitude”
(Alexander 20). Sometimes we see interiority of Willoughton, such as in those
instances, although his narrative, as well as that of the text, is told in
third person. The issue of narrator is extremely complex, since we presumably
have a manuscript, transcribed by Willoughton, although we also have a third
person narrator who is also telling us Willoughton’s story. In addition, within
the ‘manuscript’ the narrator of that tale sometimes gives us asides to
indicate his status as someone who is telling the tale in a wholly other time
period than either King Henry III’s or Willoughton’s: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 10.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">but what would such have said, had they
lived now, in our King Richard’s days; who, the second of his name, is first in
every kind of new extravagance, the like of which was never seen afore, and
what it may end in, there is no one that dare yet say (30). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">This narrator’s identity as a monk is confirmed by
statements by the narrator such as “and over all she wore the veil of a sister,
and pity it was, that so fair a vestal should be relinquished to this world,
instead of being retained in the community, which had once looked to have her
their own,” which praises convent life, instead of calling it ‘ancient
superstition,’ as was implied in <i>The
Castles of Athlin and Dunbayne </i>(II.8). The narrators themselves are very
concerned with the idea of correctitude themselves, but their interesting
relation to each other compromises the very notion of correctitude. The
complexity of the narration as well as the fact that this is a story about
ghosts, the only one of Radcliffe’s novels to make use of actual supernatural
events, complicates the idea of correctitude that is invoked by the authority
of Willoughton as a source and the manuscript and by the long lists of well
described medieval details such as armour, tapestries, decorations, historical
battles, tournaments and feasting. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The
verification of historical details becomes a predominant theme of the text. Part
of this comes from Willoughton, who ironically always is correcting the facts
of those around him. When a local comes to give Willoughton and Simpson a tour
he describes part of the castle: “‘It was just opposite the Pleasant, yonder,’
said the aged historian. Willoughton retorts “‘The <i>Pleasant</i>!’” to draw attention to the mistake: “‘Yes, Sir; if you
look this way, I will tell you where it stood: it was a banqueting-house on the
lake.’” Willoughton can not help but reply “‘O! the <i>Plaisance</i>!’”(27). Willoughton questions the ‘aged historian’ as a
source, and the veracity of the text. In the main narrative the merchant
Woodreve accuses the Baron Gaston de Blondeville of murdering his (the
merchant’s) kinsman in a robbery. It is later discovered that the Prior was
part of that murderous gang. They keep trying to get Woodreve to change his
story, and Woodreve must insist on the details “The four! I saw but three,’
said Woodreeve, eagerly” (II. 168). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Ultimately,
this parade of sources, of facts and of the medieval is used ironically in <i>Gaston de Blondeville</i> because it is a
text about stories that will not be believed. Woodreve has the facts on his
side, but there is literally nothing that he can produce that will corroborate
his story since he has to compete against the prejudice of the King against
him. Unlike Manfred in <i>The Castle of
Otranto</i>, King Henry is not trying to suppress the truth, but does so
unintentionally through his prejudices. Woodreve’s eye witness account is not
believed because of how dark it was, so he cannot provide demonstrable proofs.
Likewise, when the supernatural intervene on his behalf, every instance is
construed by Henry, at the instigation of the Prior, as the work of witchcraft
by Woodreve. As evidence is piled in Woodreve’s favour, everything that could
clear him is used to condemn him. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Willoughton
mirrors Woodreve in his insistence on the facts, but ultimately he mirrors King
Henry who has already made up his mind, despite what the evidence tells him: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 10.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">But at whatsoever period this ‘Trew Chronique’
had been written, or by whomsoever, Willoughton was so willing to think he had
met with a specimen of elder times, that he refused to dwell on the evidence,
which went against its stated origin, or to doubt the old man’s story of the
way in which it had been found (III. 53-4).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span lang="EN-US">In this text there is an
interest in what is medieval, of what can be found out about the Middle Ages,
but there is also an undercutting of stories that rely too heavily on
antiquarian material. The text both presents details from the Middle Ages as
facts and also comments on the impossibility of truly knowing what has happened
in the past. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span lang="EN-US"> In this text history is a ghost, which haunts the
present. This is no doubt why it is also the only text that has a real ghost,
possibly more than one. The aged historian says that Queen Elizabeth is
haunting the ruins of Kenilworth, although this is not verified by Willoughton
or Simpson. She has, however, clearly left her mark on the castle, so even if
she is not really haunting it, the castle brings up the memory for the local
villagers, who are haunted by the history of when Queen Elizabeth came to stay.
On the walls of the castle hangs tapestries that depict the story of Troy and
the story of Richard the Lion-Heart, both of which shape the way that the King
and the court think of themselves. In the main narrative the wicked murder of
Reginald de Folville literally comes back to haunt Gaston de Blondeville.
Reginald and his lady (who is still alive, though that does not stop her spirit
from visiting Kenilworth) not only hint at the truth of Woodreve’s story, but
forcefully intervene in the narrative. Reginald de Folville’s ghost kills <i>Gaston de Blondeville</i> at the tournament
and the Prior in his bed. Ghosts in the narrative cannot be fully reclaimed by
the present, but they haunt the present with real consequences. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Even though it exists in ghost
form, or ruin form in the case of Kenilworth castle, the past cannot really be
reclaimed, creating the sense of loss Fay and Simmons indicate is an important
part of such clear medievalisms. Reginald’s loss is still greatly felt by
Woodreve. King Henry will never come back to Kenilworth after the events that
transpire there. In the ballad that Pierre the minstrel sings to Barbara on the
eve of her wedding to <i>Gaston de
Blondeville</i>, he recalls the detail “Faint on the arras’d walls were shown/
The heroes of some antient story,/ Now faded, like their mortal glory” (164). For
Willoughton, his engagement with ruins and the medieval brings home for him his
own mortality: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 10.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Those walls, where gorgeous tapestry had
hung, showed only the remains of door-ways and of beautiful gothic windows,
that had admitted the light of the same sun, which at this moment sent the last
gleam of another day upon Willoughton, and warned him, that another portion of
his life too was departing (20).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The people of the narrative are both oppressed by their
past and oppressed by the loss of it. This is why the text is so insistent to
make that past real for the reader. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Durant
is incorrect when he states that “the sources betray Mrs. Radcliffe’s
historicist bias: they contain no description of the broad sweep of historical
events, nor the deeds of heroes, not the politics of nations; they concentrate
on everyday rituals” (Durant 191-2). First because the deeds of heroes, sweep
of historical events and politics are mentioned, if in somewhat less detail
than the rituals of dress or food. But second because of what Miles has noted
about the difference between Radcliffe’s surface narrative and the subtext
(Miles 176). Comparing it to <i>The Castles
of Athlin and Dunbayne</i>, it is easier to see again the focus on the place of
a meritocracy in a system that oppresses it. Woodreve, who is continuously
referred to as ‘the merchant’ throughout the text, is the most upstanding
character. He continuously is reassured that despite his suffering he is doing
the right thing: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 10.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">yet did he not repent the effort he had
made, so honest was his grief for the fate of his kinsman; so much was his mind
possessed with the notion, that he has accused his very murderer; so confident
was he that he was performing a duty; and, what is more, so sure was he, that
to perform his duty in this world is the wisest, the most truly cunning thing a
man can contrive to do (I.182).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span lang="EN-US">Prince Edward and the
Archbishop of York are also cast in a good light by believing him, making the
merchant (and the ghost) the focal points of honour in the text. While the rank
that one holds is important in the text, it is not as important as being able
to see the truth, yet Woodreve is still oppressed by a social system that
favours the opinion of people with a high rank.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Both
<i>The Castles of Athlin and Dunbayne</i>
and <i>Gaston de Blondeville</i> phrase the
oppression in the novels as products of the ‘times,’ of the medieval period
that is being depicted. <i>The Castles</i>
refers to the oppression as the result of “the darkness of prejudice and
ancient pride” (762). <i>Gaston</i> is more
insistent on the effects of the period: “Nor was that so wonderful in times,
when lawless violence had almost overrun the whole land” (II. 256). However,
both bring that oppression into the present, though in very different ways. <i>The Castles of Athlin and Dunbayne</i>
collapse the medieval and the present together. <i>Gaston de Blondeville</i> shows how the past actively haunts, with
active consequences, the realm of the present. Simmons calls this “the true
medievalist moment: a supposed medieval air and historical incident provide the
means of commenting on current oppression” (Simmons 72). The air of the
medieval is important to both texts in different ways, but ultimately the past
gives to both novels a sense of oppression, one that puts those whose only
claim to honour is merit underfoot of those unjustly given privileges. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Paralleling
the two medievalisms Alexander mentions, Fay says that there is “medievalism as
an anachronism – as a vaguely past state that encompasses everything up to the
Enlightenment initiation into modernity” in addition to the medievalism of
antiquarianism, as represented by the character Willoughton (Fay 13). According
to Fay:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">the conflict between
anachronism – the disruption of temporal sequence – and antiquarianism – its
preservation – can be seen in the difference between Horace Walpole’s
antiquarianism, which leads to the creation of the Gothic, and Walter Scott’s
antiquarianism, which leads to the creation of the historical novel. The Gothic
is an Enlightenment revision of medieval superstition and fantasy; the
historical novel is a Romantic revision of antiquarian collection that makes
use of history to create a temporal identity rather than fabricating it for
mere escapism (Fay 13).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">The Castles of
Athlin and Dunbayne</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> clearly fit into this category
of anachronism. However, <i>Gaston de
Blondeville</i> fits neatly into neither, straddling the two. <i>Gaston</i> represents the impulse to gather
the nationalistic details of English history, while also exploiting it for that
sense of the past as an oppressive structure on the individual psyche. <i>Gaston be Blondeville</i> is an historical
novel in the style of Sir Walter Scott, as well as a Gothic novel in the style
of, well, Ann Radcliffe, or perhaps we should say Horace Walpole. Durant says
that “it is usual to think of the Gothic as an intermediary step towards
Scott’s novels,” though this is not fair on the Gothic (Durant 212). Radcliffe
self-reflexively brings the two genres together, showing that history is an
effective and disturbing ghost. Radcliffe is intentionally reflecting on both
genres when her manuscript narrator says:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">We vouch not for the
truth of all here told; we only repeat what others have said and their selves
credited; but in these days what is there of strange and wonderful, which does
not pass as current as the coin of the land; and what will they not tell in
hall, or chamber, seated by night over blazing logs, as if their greatest
pleasure were to fear? (II. 257).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Radcliffe’s use of the medieval is very intentional,
even in <i>The Castles of Athlin and
Dunbayne</i>, as she brings home for their readers just what it is about the
past we have to fear.</span></div>
<h1>
<span lang="EN-US">Bibliography<o:p></o:p></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11.0pt; font-weight: normal; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><w:sdtpr></w:sdtpr></span></h1>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<!--[if supportFields]><span
lang=EN-US><span style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>BIBLIOGRAPHY <span style='mso-element:field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span lang="EN-US">Alexander, Michael. <i>Medievalism:
The Middle Ages in Modern England</i>. London: Yale University Press, 2007.
Print.<o:p></o:p><w:sdtpr></w:sdtpr></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Durant, David S. <i>Ann Radcliffe's
novels: experiments in setting</i>. New York: Arno Press, 1980. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Fay, Elizabeth. <i>Romantic Medievalism</i>.
New York: Palgrave, 2002. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Miles, Robert. <i>Ann Radcliffe: The
Great Enchantress</i>. New York: Manchester University Press, 1995. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Radcliffe, Ann. <i>Gaston de Blondeville
of The Court of Henry III Keeping Festival in Ardenne</i>. Vols. I,II. New
York: Arno Press, 1972. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Radcliffe, Ann. "The Castles of
Athlin and Dunbayne." <i>Ann Radliffe: THe Novels, Complete in One
Volume</i>. New York: Georg Olms Verlag Hildesheim, 1974. 720-64. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Simmons, Clare. <i>Popular Medievalisms
in Romantic Era Britain</i>. New York: Palgrave and Macmillan, 2011. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
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Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-40548558035237381002014-05-05T17:13:00.000-07:002014-05-05T17:18:38.547-07:00A Warning against Reductive Interpretation of Ancient Auctoritas : Interpretation of Sources in Chaucer’s Legend of Good Women<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
[written as a seminar paper for Fall semester 2013 at WMU]</div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> It matters aesthetically and historically, therefore, to grasp the ambivalent and</span><br />
<span lang="EN-US"> multiply nuanced Chaucerian attitude toward women, its distance from a </span><br />
<span lang="EN-US"> simplistic or essentialist misogyny that would portray women - "Woman"</span><br />
<span lang="EN-US"> as inherently passive or inherently wicked (Delaney 188).</span><br />
<span lang="EN-US"><br /></span>
<span lang="EN-US">Chaucer wrote the unfinished <i>Legend of Good Women</i> in approximately 1386, after <i>Troilus and Criseyde</i> but before the <i>Canterbury Tales</i> (Delaney 34). The style
is rather like that of hagiography, not only because it is a list of women that
fit an ideal, but because these women have been martyred, not for religion, but
for the ideals of love (Delaney 60). The tales of Cleopatra, Thisbe, Dido, Lucretia/Lucrece,
Hypsipyle and Madea, Ariadne, Philomela, Phyllis and Hypermnestra are paraded
out and altered to demonstrate how these sources can foster an understanding of
how faithless men are and how many women have been martyred for love. As Sheila
Delaney, author of <i>The Naked Text:
Chaucer’s Legend of Good Women</i>, has noted above, this text presents a
complicated image of women, despite its title and the mandate given to the
narrator in the Prologue to present only good women. While it is a text about
women, it is also a text about texts. In fact, while his characterization of
women is important, often the women are metaphors for texts. Truly, the <i>Legend</i> is a text about sources, or about
the works that Chaucer adapts to convey truths to his audience. The <i>Riverside Chaucer</i>, in the introduction
to <i>Troilus and Criseyde</i>, calls
Chaucer a kind of historiographer, presenting the pre-existing Troilus and
Criseyde legend to his English audience (471). In the <i>Legend of Good Women</i> Chaucer is dealing with fallout from that
distinction. Jamie Fumo has described <i>Troilus
and Criseyde</i> as ‘haunting’ at least the <i>Legend
of Good Women</i>’s Prologue (Fumo 167). Lisa Kiser, author <i>of Telling Classical Tales: Chaucer and the
Legend of Good Women</i>, states that ultimately, Chaucer, “in actually
producing the stories in the legendary, … succeeds in parodying some of the
ways in which classical fiction was commonly ‘modernized’ to conform to
fourteenth-century tastes” (Kiser 93). The stories themselves are altered
substantially from their original forms, so that they could be characterized as
unfaithful representations, and they emphasize the theme of ‘misreading’ taken
up from the Prologue. However, the repeated emphasis on the sources for the
story, and drawing attention to the place of the narrator in constructing the
stories, as well as being able to compile stories that do contain women
devastated in love, does show the value in using these ancient sources to frame
discussions about topical concerns, such as love or honor. Just as women are
neither wholly wicked or wholly good, even in a collection of stories about
‘good women,’ the interpretation of ancient sources to tell modern tales is
useful, while being fraught with pitfalls for those who seek to be too
reductive in their interpretations. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-pagination: widow-orphan lines-together; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">As James Dean, looking at Chaucer’s use of the past, has noted:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in; mso-pagination: widow-orphan lines-together;">
<span lang="EN-US">There can be no doubt that the English fourteenth century possessed
a strong sense of the past, a feeling for history and its bearing on the
present. … Chaucer in his works concerned himself with history, mutability, and
changes in customs from pagan antiquity to the Christian era and his own times
(Dean 401).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-pagination: widow-orphan lines-together;">
<span lang="EN-US">Since Chaucer
is not the only one who is concerned with how classical precedents affect
current proceedings, choosing classical tales for the legendary is particularly
appropriate. Classical sources are well known, and so are used as exempla
often. Biblical sources would seem an obvious choice if you are going to make a
legend about good women, but not if you are going to critique the way that the
sources can be interpreted. The same impulse may account for Chaucer’s tendency
to stays away from overtly referring to contentious contemporary subjects, such
as the uprising of 1381, and possibly, in this context, contemporary women
(Philips 101). Chaucer, in works like <i>Troilus
and Criseyde</i>, is clearly interested in how these classical sources can be
made relevant for modern audiences and how they can be used to express his
truths and read for the truths they contain. But they are also appropriate
subject matter for this legendary because of the way that they could, and no
doubt had, been interpreted or reduced by his contemporaries and their
pre-existing position in a learned tradition: Kiser says that “the medieval
urge to alter, gloss, allegorize, and edit classical narrative – in other
words, the desire to intervene between it and its readers to clarify its
usefulness – is rejected by Chaucer in favor of respectful preservation of the
‘doctrine of these olde wyse’” (Kiser 146). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Ironically, in a text about how authoritative sources
can be, there is not necessarily an authoritative, definitive version of the <i>Legend</i>. The Prologue has two variants. G
exists in one manuscript, while F exists in several (Delaney 34). Much of the
earlier criticism was about what relation the Prologues had to each other
(Delaney 35). It is generally accepted that F has priority, though that doesn’t
mean that one or the other has more authority (Quinn 2). They are printed side
by side in all three ‘Cambridge Editions’ with F given priority by being placed
on the left (Quinn 28). They are both “famously, concerned with auctoritas and
the textual tradition of ‘olde approved stories’ (F 21),” though the different
texts do present different ways of understanding the relationship of sources to
people who interpret them (Warren 83). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-add-space: auto; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Both Prologues
opens with an epistemological discussion of how we know what we do about heaven
and hell (Delaney 44). Since no man of this ‘countre’ has seen it, the divine
is revealed to us through authorities and “For by assay ther may no man it
preve/ But God forbade but men shulde leve/ Wel more thing then men men han
seen with ye!”(F 9-11, G 9-11). This is phrased in terms of religion; it is
evident to Chaucer’s audience that, unless we are privee to divine revelation
ourselves, we must rely on ancient authorities in matters of religion. However,
in this context ‘countre’ (or ‘countree’ in Prologue F) also refers to Chaucer’s
England. Delaney shows us that this is not the only reference to the English
audience, referring to daisies and Wycliff and other in text clues (Delaney
230). The <i>Legend of Good Women</i>
contains tales ancient stories that are removed from Chaucer and his audience
by time and by geography. There is no way to know the truth of these tales than
through the authorities who pass them on. This is common to both Prologues.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">In Prologue F book learning is set up
in opposition to direct experience. When Chaucer wearies of his books he must
go out into the world and experience it: “though he realized the lasting value
of authoritative statements made by poets of the past, he, like all artists,
also wanted to make his poetry speak with the voice of experiential truth”
(Kiser 30). By looking at the daisy he can see, through direct experience, its
truth. However, he understands the truth even more fully by listening to
authorities speak about the daisy, a.k.a. the ‘foules’ who sing its praises. He
also calls on Etik (Horace) to understand what the daisy is signifying about
innocence and virtue. In the Prologue Chaucer is praising authorities who make
truths available to their readers.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Chaucer then passes into the dream
world where he is subject to the judgment of the God of Love and Alceste, the
God of Love’s Queen. Alceste is so beautiful that Chaucer the narrator feels
compelled to express her loveliness in a ballad. To express the truth of her
loveliness he compares Alceste to lists of legendary beauties. When he finishes
he laments that it may not be sufficient for her praises: “For certeynly al
thise mowe nat suffise/ To apperen wyth my lady in no wyse” (F 272-3).
According to Kiser, Chaucer recognizes “that earthly poets like himself may not
always succeed in making their doctrines clear, especially to readers who are
unfit to receive literature’s highest gifts” (Kiser 154). The issue is not with
the sources that are being used, or with Alceste’s loveliness, but whether or
not Chaucer has used them justly and that the meaning is conveyed to his
audience.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Chaucer the narrator is kneeling by his
daisy when the ladies who are in the God of Love’s train meet up with him. They
and Chaucer together are paying homage to the daisy, who is clearly worthy of
praise, as can be perceived by observation. However, the God of Love reproaches
Chaucer for kneeling at his flower, reprimanding Chaucer for his depiction of
women in <i>Troilus and Criseyde</i> and the
<i>Romaunce of the Rose</i>. His charge is
that in those texts there were false women. His charge is short compared with
Alceste’s defense. The God of Love’s charge is short because he has taken a
limited view of Chaucer’s work, seeing only the negative, and hence a limited
view of Chaucer. He is misreading the texts, which is represented by misreading
Chaucer. Kiser argues that “as a character whose metaphorical attributes do not
add up to a clear representation of any real truth, and thus as a character who
can survive only in a dream visions and not in descriptions of life, the God of
Love is a parody of the kind of poetic artifice that Chaucer wished to reject”
(Kiser 65). The God of Love has taken the narrow view that only stories of
‘good’ people can accomplish good ends, a statement that Chaucer rejects (Kiser
77). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Alceste tries to show the God of Love
his mistake, saying first that one should never listen to only one side, but
take in all of the evidence, before a man (text) is condemned: “For, syr, yt is
no maistrye for a lord/To dampen a man without answere of word” (F400-1). She
points out that while Chaucer’s previous works may have done harm to women in
love, they have also done them a service by educating people in these original
stories “yet hath he maked lewed folk delyte/ To serve yow, in preysinge of
your name” (F 415-6). This comes back to the original point that opened the
Prologue, that authorities are important to fostering understanding of the
world. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Chaucer is then allowed to make the
point that whatever faults can be found in Criseyde or the Rose were not put
there by him, but were a result of his sources, since he thoroughly meant to be
true to and cherish the concepts of love:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">For that I of Creseyde wroot or tolde,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Or of the Rose; what so myn auctour mente.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Algate, god woot, yt was myn entente<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">To forthren trouthe in love and yt cheryce,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">And to ben war fro falsnesse and fro vice<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">By swich ensample; this was my menynge (F 469-74).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Chaucer then is caught between the ability of
authorities and ancient sources to help him express truths about love (or
divinity, as is his first example), and how reference to authorities can cause
you to fall short of the truth you are trying to express. Chaucer the narrator
found authorities and comparisons with other ancient women insufficient for
expressing Alceste’s beauty and found that the intentions inherent in his
original sources may be counteracting his professed authorial intent in his own
works. In both those cases it is not the truth of the ancient sources that are
at fault but Chaucer’s own reworking of them. He, like the God of Love, is
being accused of misreading, and mistranslating with translating here meaning
taking material and ‘translating’ it into something new that is supposedly more
accessible for readers. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The
God of Love is misreading Chaucer as Chaucer is accused of misreading his
sources. The God of Love is guiltier, since he is, as Alceste says, not
weighing both sides equally, or is being too reductive in his reading. Kiser
says that he is “confusing the ethical purpose of a literary work with the
traits he perceives in its individual characters, a massive confusion, indeed”
(Kiser 77). Ironically, Alceste is the one that asks Chaucer to appease the God
of Love by scanning ancient sources and reducing them to a single point of
view. She is asking Chaucer to condemn the men of ancient sources by showing
them only as faithless towards women. She is asking Chaucer the narrator to wilfully
misread the texts, but it is not necessarily a shift in her character, since
she is asking Chaucer to use the sources to express an essential truth. In
addition, while the stories that are to be chosen for the Legend are often
reduced to the point of changing the truth of the original source, they do all
portray women who are unlucky in love, and so are martyrs in Love’s cause. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The
God of Love asks Chaucer the narrator if he has recognized Alceste. Chaucer the
narrator replies: “Nay, sire, so have I blys,/ No moore but that I see wel she
is good” (F 504-5). Alceste is identified with the ultimate martyr for love.
She died for love of her husband. She is identified with the daisy and with a
pure form of a loving woman. Kiser argues that Alceste operates literally and
as an allegorical figure who represents experiential learning, as the daisy,
but also textual authority since hers is also an ancient tale (Kiser 139). This
is much stronger in Prologue F than it is in G. The God of Love charges Chaucer
to write her story and do her justice as he hasn’t yet in any of his texts.
Alceste then represents Chaucer’s task to do justice to the ideal of loving
women, as well as to Alceste’s story. Alceste represents the truth to be found
in ancient sources, but she also represents the ancient sources themselves.
Chaucer the narrator is being charged with the nigh impossible task of
representing a single truth of the story while doing justice to the original
source.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-pagination: widow-orphan lines-together; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Prologue G maintains many of these themes from Prologue F, but
emphasizes even more the role that ‘authorities’ play in our understanding of
truths, downplaying the truths themselves. Delaney observes that G “strikes one
as a work on the whole less subjective than F, less insistent on art in
general, and more modest in its presentation of the Narrator as poet” (Delaney
36). The opposition between book learning and direct experience is downplayed. Helen
Philips sees an “increased emphasis on the interpretation of texts, authorial
intentionality, and translation” (Philips 109). We still have the opening lines
showing the role ancient authorities play in how we know things we cannot
experience, however our narrator does not go out and experience nature in the
same way as he does in Prologue F. The daisy is one of two nature metaphors
that are being used to talk about sources. Chaucer the narrator does not
experience the nature of the daisy to the same extent, though it still is his
favorite flower and still represents Alceste. The other metaphor of corn, which
is mentioned in Prologue F, is more fully developed in G. Both texts state:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> For wel I wot
that folk han here-beforn<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Of making
ropen, and lad awey the corn;<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> And I come
after, glenynge here and there,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">And am ful glad if I may fynde an ere (G 61-4; F 73-6)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">In both texts it is standing in for finding something
worthwhile in other works, however G continues the metaphor and makes it more
explicit, when Love tells Chaucer the narrator “Let be the chaf, and writ well
the corn” (G 529). Prologue G plays down the narrator’s direct knowledge of the
daisy, and plays up the art of creating based on original sources. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Prologue
G emphasizes Chaucer the author’s role as author who uses ancient sources by
having the God of Love elongate the charges against the narrator: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Yis, God wot,
sixty bokes olde and newe<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Hast thow
thyself, alle ful of storyes grete,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> That both
Romayns and ek Grekes trete<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Of sundry
women, which lyf that they ladde,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> And evere an
hundred goode ageyn oon badde (G 272-7).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The God of Love criticizes the deliberate interpretive
choices made by Chaucer the author in his previous works, saying that he has so
many books to choose from, and that even though there are more ‘sundry’ choices
than ‘good’ ones, it is up to him as ‘translator’ to choose the ones that will
best fit Love’s ideal. For the God of Love “all literature is exemplary in
function; he cannot conceive of literary meaning other than that which might
arise from these prerequisite moral categories” (Kiser 80). The God of Love of
Prologue G is even more deliberately reductive than Love in F. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Prologue
G puts the ‘Balade’ about Alceste’s beauty in the mouths of the God of Love’s
train of women. They make the appropriate authoritative comparisons and there
is no second guessing of whether the description using ancient sources falls
short of the actual thing being described. The effect of this is that there is
less emphasis on the Chaucer narrator’s concern over whether or not he can do a
good job. With the exception of when he is allowed, through Alceste’s
intercession, to defend himself to the God of Love, an episode in both
Prologues, the problem is in G is solely whether or not Chaucer’s (narrator and
author) work holds up to the reductive ideals prescribed by the God of Love.
The defense that he didn’t know “what so myn auctor mente” has much less bite
in G than F, as it sounds like our narrator is saying whatever will get him out
of a jam in G, whereas in F the sentiment was backed up by Chaucer the
narrator’s own doubts about his ability to use authorities to express what
needed to be expressed.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">While Prologue F emphasizes the truth that can be described by known
authorities, Prologue G maintains this theme, shifting the emphasis away from
the truth that needs to be expressed to the ability of poets to properly
present those stories to their audiences. Prologue G, however, leaves Chaucer
the narrator with the same task, of presenting only good women and not ‘sundry’
ones, or reducing women, texts and authorities to one dimension so that
audiences have no doubt how they will interpret them. The God of Love says
presenting the Romance of the Rose “in pleyn text, withouten to glose” was “an
heresye ayeins my lawe” (F 328-30; G 254-6). Laura Getty has shown how </span>“glossing,
… consistently represents deception in Chaucer’s works. To follow the God of
Love’s commands, the narrator must gloss (i.e., misrepresent) the stories,
rather than telling the “verray sooth” of their tales” (<span lang="EN-US">Getty</span> 53). <span lang="EN-US">Although the God of Love
is emphasizing how dangerous it is not to give readers the gloss, or proper
conclusions to take from the text, Chaucer parodies this in the <i>Legend </i>by attempting to do so, and then
undercutting his tales and parodying the reduction of women and lists of women to
one interpretation. </span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Either Prologue sets us up to read the
legends, which have been distilled to<i> a</i>
truth, that of the persecution of women in love. As the God of Love misreads
Chaucer, the women in the legends often misread the men who will eventually do
them harm. This mimics the misreading of these sources happening in the <i>Legend</i>. The theme of misreading recurs
throughout the legends, indicating, as was shown in the Prologue, that there is
unreliability in the way sources are interpreted. This does not efface the
truth we can glean from these authorities (these women were persecuted in love)
but the text is nevertheless a critique of readers and writers who are
reductive to the point of obscurity. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">In the introduction to her collection
of essays on the <i>Legend </i>Carolyn
Collette states that “the victimization of loyal women at the hands of crafty
and duplicitous men is the central thematic point Alceste insists upon in her
directive …, and Chaucer seems to follow her direction slavishly” (Collette
ix). Nor is this meant as a compliment. The stories are brief and much has been
cut from the originals. In fact, Kiser states that “<i>brevitas</i> turns into something more like lying, for Chaucer is
forced to employ it as a device to mask those details in his sources which
would complicate our moral judgments of these women and their deeds and would
render the narratives useless as exempla” (Kiser 100). We will see that there
are details in many of these examples that were not included, because they did
not fit the mold of the exemplum, which is the source of much of the comedy and
irony (Kiser 98). Delaney sees those original traditions “break through again
and again in the legends, swamping the simplistic demands of Eros and Alceste”
(Delaney 193). </span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The first is the <i>Legend of Cleopatra</i>. It is no coincidence that this is both the
most authoritative story and that it occurs first. While there is not as great
a division between mythology and history in Chaucer’s idea of the past, since
both offer truths from authorities for modern audiences, Chaucer does make the
distinction that Cleopatra is a woman who really lived: “And this is storyal
soth, it is no fable” (702). Kiser states that it is the most faithful
retelling of a classical source in the whole collection (Kiser 102). But
already it is undercutting the proposed plans of Alceste and the God of Love
since, as Delaney argues, Cleopatra would hardly be considered a ‘good’ woman
(Delaney 173). William Sayers argues that the description of the Battle of
Actium is from Vegetius, an authoritative source itself, and that the naval
battle seems real </span>(<span lang="EN-US">Sayers</span> 85)<span lang="EN-US">. The point is then to
bring the learned audience to feel the truth of the story. Chaucer has used
many devices to ground this tale as a real episode in the imagination of his
readers. Cleopatra’s status as a ‘real’ suffering woman is meant to instill in
the readers how ‘true’ the suffering of the ensuing women is. Getty, however,
offers an alternative view of the inclusion of the long description of the
Battle of Actium: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The battle mirrors the
process that Chaucer has gone through to write this piece of history/legend: it
is a mess. The story must literally be ripped into pieces, like the ships, in
order to conform to the God of Love’s expectations, as all of the stories will
be (Getty 57-8).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Getty is scanning the legends for metaphors of
misreading, and her argument is that while the veracity of the story is made
present to the reader, the story itself has been cut short to show only the
battle and Cleopatra’s suicide. In addition to Cleopatra’s misreading of
Antony, the text misreads Antony, casting him in with faithless men, when that
is not the reason he commits suicide himself: “thus we see that the Chaucer who
is so faithful to the women in this legendary is at the same time the faithless
betrayal of its men” (Kiser 125). Therefore, the text seems grounded in the
authorities that were discussed in the Prologue, but the text has been altered,
so that it is not faithful to the original, nor can it be said to represent a
wholly good woman. The sources are useful to creating an image of Cleopatra,
and yet they cannot be used effectively if they are reduced so viciously. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-pagination: widow-orphan lines-together;">
If
Cleopatra is not necessarily a good woman, Thisbe is not really oppressed by a
faithless man. Antony does not deserve all the aspersion cast on him in the
text, but Piramus simply misread the situation and tried to himself become a
martyr for love: “<span lang="EN-US">Chaucer has to moralize this
narrative awkwardly after he has told it, in hopes of making it appropriate to
his project” (Kiser 118). Both Antony and Piramus are at fault, Antony for his
suicide and Piramus for his stupidity, but they are not the ‘faithless’ men
that Alceste prescribed.<i> Cleopatra</i>
didn’t overtly treat on its sources, mentioning just the fact that it is
history and presenting a convincing naval battle. In <i>Thisbe</i>, Maggie Burns has shown that the depiction is largely
derived specifically from Ovid, but we also have a first mention of an
authority: “Naso seyth thus” (Burns 637; 725). We are also drawn back to the
fact that the narrator is constructing his legendary from sources: “Of trewe
men I fynde but fewe mo/ In alle my bokes, save this Piramus, / And therefore
have I spoken of hym thus” (917-9). Clearly sources have been useful to
construct this tale, but the whole thing is undercut by its deviance again from
the directions of the God of Love, and by the metaphors of misreading, which
are stronger than in <i>Cleopatra</i>. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> In
the <i>Legend of Dido</i>, Chaucer the
narrator reminds us that he is writing under a directive: “But nat to purpose
for to speke of here,/ For it acordeth nat to my matere” (954-5). Both the
reference to sources and references to the interceding hands of the narrator
are exponentially increasing. In fact this tale starts specifically with
references to both:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Glorye and
honour, Virgil Mantoan,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Be to thy name! and I shal, as I can,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Folwe thy lantern, as thow gost byforn,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">How Eneas to Dido was forsworn.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">In thyn Eneyde and Naso wol I take<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The tenor, and the grete effects make (924-929).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">There is a great emphasis in <i>Dido</i> on the inability of Chaucer the narrator to do justice to
either source, or to write it in a way that will be as compelling as their
versions. The narrator says “I coude folwe, word for word, Virgile,/ But it
wolde lasten al to longe while” (1002-3) as well as “But who wol al this letter
have in mynde,/ Rede Ovyde, and in hym he shal it fynde” (1366-7), which are
parallel statements that invite the reader to go back to the original sources.
The <i>Legend of Dido</i> contains a lot of
praise for the sources of <i>Dido</i>, but
constantly undermines its own ability to properly interpret them. It makes of
itself an unreliable narrator, although it does contain a condensed version of
the story. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The <i>Legend of Hipsipyle and
Medea</i> is a bit of a misnomer since the reason these two stories go together
is that both women are duped by Jason, so that it is really the legend of
Jason. Getty takes this as evidence that </span>“the project is slipping out of
his grasp, [since] the body that is misread is Jason’s” (<span lang="EN-US">Getty</span> 61). Dido somewhat misread the character of Aeneas, but
Hipsipyle and Medea are grossly misreading the character of Jason, although the
text makes him even more despicable than he appeared in sources. <span lang="EN-US">The narrator’s direction to the reader, that they should go back and
read the original, is again present: “Lat hym go rede Argonautycon, / For he
wole telle a tale long ynogh” (1456-8). One of those statements comes at the
end of Hipsipyle’s tale, saying that the rest of the letter she was writing can
be found in the source material “Wel can Ovyde hire letter in vers endyte,/ Which
were as now to long for me to wryte” (1678-9). In this case, both of the
women’s tales are not finished. Hipsipyle’s letter is left hanging, and Medea,
like Cleopatra, is a woman who, if you know the whole story, it is hard to see
as among the ‘good’ ones. The tale ends before Medea takes her revenge on Jason
by killing their children and Jason’s new bride. Such an omission clearly
alters the nature of both Medea and her story, and so does not do justice to
the original tale. The sources are emphasized by the author as useful, but the
decisions made in the editing of the text undercut the ability of the text to
represent either the proposed purpose of the legend, or the original sources. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The whole reason that Lucrece dies is because she is afraid of being
misread, of being at all complicit in the Tarquinius’s violence (Getty 63). The opening lines of the Legend of Lucrece
deal with the sources and treats on how the material is going to be treated: </span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Now mot I seyn the exilynge of kynges <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Of Rome, for here horrible doings,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">And of the laste kynge Tarquinius,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">As seyth Ovyde and Titus Lyvius.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">But for that cause telle I mat this storye,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">But for to preyse and drawe to memorye<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The verray wif, the verray trewe Lucresse,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">That for hyre wifhood and hire stedfastnesse<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Nat only that these payens hire comende,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">But he that cleped is in our legend<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The grete Austyn hath gret compassioun<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Of this Lucresse, that starf at Rome toun;<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">And in what wise, I wol but shortly trete, <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">And of this thing I touché byt the grete (1680-93).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;">
The narrator references Ovid and
Titus Livius as sources, but also draws readers to the interpretation of the
tale by St. Augustine. He finishes his introduction by stating that he himself
will only treat on it a little. Placing the sources in the context of other
famous interpretations he is bringing the readers’ attention to the tradition
of interpreting the material. He then reminds the reader that he is
interpreting it himself, which is contrasted with the original sources. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
Although Lucrece
was avoiding being the object of misreading, Ariadne, like Medea, Hipsipyle and
Dido, is the subject, misreading the character of Theseus. She is, however, the
object of Theseus’s wiles, as the other women are the object of the viciousness
of their respective men. Delaney has
observed that Ariadne continues in her misreading right until the end of the
legend (Delaney 212). Ariadne constructs her own version of events, just as she
can translate the labyrinth for Theseus so that he can understand it (Getty
64). Nancy Warren sees Ariadne as asserting her will, almost Amazon like, more
than any of the other women in the legendary (Warren 85). The result is that
she comes off as ambitious, and in the end she is incorrect in her assessment
of events. In her betrayal of her kingdom and father and her portrayal as ambitious,
she may not fit the category of ‘good’ either. Also, the changes to this legend
make her situation more tragic than it was, as Ariadne is eventually rescued
from the island, in some traditions by Dionysius. The alteration of the story
makes the moral derived from it untrue to the nature of the original. Again the
source is mentioned, “In <span lang="EN-US">hire Epistel Naso telleth al”
(2220). Again the reader’s attention is brought back to the narrator’s role as
interpreter: “But that tale were to long as now for me” (1921).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Delaney
has noted that the <i>Legend of Philomela</i>
differs from the other “in its lack of obscenity, wordplay, or other evidently
ironic devices” (Delaney 213). Delaney also notes how many things are left out
of the text from the original story. <i>Philomela</i>,
<i>Phyllis</i> and <i>Hypermnestra</i> differ from the others in that there is less emphasis
on the source material they are drawn from, though they still have a lot of
narratorial interjections. The effect of this is that there has been a
degradation of the source material from <i>Cleopatra</i>
to the last three texts. <i>Cleopatra</i>,
the text says, was a tale grounded in history. The intervening legends bring
readers back to the original sources. The legends of Philomela, Phyllis and
Hypermnestra do not remind the reader of the source, and offer no way for the
reader to check Chaucer’s facts. Like
Ariadne, Philomela is a writer of text; she weaves her own tapestries to tell
Procne the terrible tale of her fate at the hand of Tereus. This is continued
in the Phyllis and Hypermnestra; Phyllis writes her own letter and
Hypermnestra, while she cannot prevent Lyno from leaving her, does not kill him,
controlling, in part, her own narrative. Therefore, the texts are degraded from
removal from the sources, but they also redeem themselves by showing the
creation of texts within the narrative. They are themselves source material,
with Philomela’s tapestry, as well as Phyllis’s letter, being the true
interpretations of that source. <o:p></o:p></div>
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The
most interesting interjections by the narrator, reminding us both of his
purpose and of his unreliability, occur in the <i>Legend of Phyllis</i>. The legend starts <span lang="EN-US">“By
preve as well as by autorite,</span>/ <span lang="EN-US">That wiked fruit cometh of a
wiked tre,</span>/ <span lang="EN-US">That may ye fynde, if that
it like yow” (2394-6). This brings us back to the idea expressed in the
prologue that some things can only be known by ‘autorite.’ This is elaborated
on more explicitly later: </span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">To wryte of hem that ben in love forsworn,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">And ek to haste me in my legend,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">(Which to performe God me grace sende)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Therefore I passe shortly in this wyse (2455-8).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The passage notes his specific purpose, in case we as
readers forgot, and reminds us that he is making editorial decisions. Most
interesting is the final lines of the tale: “Be war, ye wemen, of your subtyl
fo,/ Syn yit this day men may ensaumple se;/ And trusteth, as in love, no man
but me” (2559-61). The narrator casts himself into the group of men. Even
though he is meant to be a contrast, the irony is that the editorial decisions
he has made mean that we cannot trust him. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">In the final, unfinished <i>Legend
of Hypermnestra</i> (though there were meant to be at least nineteen) our
narrator reminds us again that he has told these tales, “And shortly, lest this
tale be to long” (2675-8). Getty has shown how it is drastically altered from
the source material: </span>“if Hypermnestra is interchangeable with her
forty-nine sisters, and her father’s and uncle’s names are just as
exchangeable, does anything have solid meaning?” (<span lang="EN-US">Getty</span> 68).
It is least effective in showing the God of Love and Alceste’s purpose, being
so different from the other texts. Her father is more of an oppressor than her
lover. It is also the least faithful to its source. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"> The
women of the legends wilfully misread the men in their lives. When they don’t,
they are being misread by the men. This theme is prominent in each of the
tales. In addition, each tale has undergone a very severe selection process,
whereby scholars and likely learned readers of Chaucer’s time, notice the
absences as much as they notice what has been included. Chaucer has
convincingly, as per Alceste and the God of Love’s request, made a collection
which demonstrates the martyrdom of good women to the cause of love. However,
in the process the original sources have been mangled and altered to fit his
purpose. They are carefully located in the context of their original sources
and historical context, making them seem more authoritative, which is then
undercut by the aforementioned mangling </span>(<span lang="EN-US">Getty</span> 56).
<span lang="EN-US">This is an unreliable representation of the original
material, which also exults in the truth that can be found there. Readers take
away from the <i>Legend of Good Women</i>
both the importance of ancient sources for creating works such as this which
can tell us truths, but also a warning about misreading the original texts and
about being too reductive of ancient tales and books. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"> This
has implications for the lists of women that appear in Chaucer’s later, also
unfinished work, the <i>Canterbury Tales</i>.
The theme of misreading comes up often. Fumo has noted that the ‘Retraction’
that occurs at the end of the<i> Tales </i>demonstrates
an ongoing concern for being misread (Fumo 175). Dean has noted the obsession
in the tales with sources and proof, such as is explored by Prudence in <i>The Tale of Melibee</i> (Dean 402-3). However,
the greatest implications may be reserved for reading the frequent appearance
of lists of women, such as appear in the <i>Wife
of Bath’s Prologue and Tale</i>. Delaney argues that there is a parallel in the
search for ‘preve’ in the <i>Legend</i> and
the <i>Wife of Bath’s Prologue</i> (Delaney
222). In that Prologue Alisoun, the Wife of Bath, describes her husband’s habit
of reading from a certain list of women: “Whan he hadde leyser and vacacioun/
From oother worldly occupacioun,/ To redden on this book of wikked wyves”
(685-7). She takes action and even rips pages out of the book (and possibly
does away with her husband, depending on the reading of the text). She
re-enforces this idea from the <i>Legend of
Good Women</i>, that the truth of original sources often depends on who is
doing the interpretation: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">By God, if women hadde written stories,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">As clerkes han withinne hire oratories,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">They wolde han written of men moore wikkednesse<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Than al the mark of Adam may redresse (693-6).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">The <i>Legend of Good
Women</i>, read in conjunction with this episode, echoes Alisoun in condemning
such a reduction of texts and of women to one single wicked truth. It also
confirms the reading of the Wife of Bath’s character as neither wholly bad or
wholly good, as the <i>Legend</i>, by being
tongue and cheek-edly reductive, is anti-reductive interpretation, especially
of women. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The
<i>Legend of Good Women</i> has been less
well received critically, Kiser suggests because it is harder to unweave the
“tangled web of irony” to get at the criticism that Chaucer is making about
reductive interpretations (Kiser 20). Nevertheless, while he is comedic he is
also making a serious point (Kiser 48). Chaucer walks the line between ironic
and serious, with both intents existing in the text at the same time. Throughout
both Prologues, Chaucer is emphasizing how we use our sources to create truth
for ourselves and for our audiences. Chaucer the narrator’s interactions with
Alceste and the God of Love make it clear, however, that Chaucer is negotiating
how that process works, and what kind of truths can be ‘gleaned’ from that
‘corn.’ He wishes to mine the works for the truth that he sees there, but
doesn’t want to be misunderstood or misrepresent those sources. By inserting
himself and his own works in the text the reader understands the <i>Legend </i>as a negotiation of the place
ancient sources have in Chaucer’s work. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<h1>
<span lang="EN-US">Bibliography<o:p></o:p></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11.0pt; font-weight: normal; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><w:sdtpr></w:sdtpr></span></h1>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<!--[if supportFields]><span
lang=EN-US><span style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>BIBLIOGRAPHY <span style='mso-element:field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span lang="EN-US">Burns, Maggie. "Classicizing
and Medievalizing Chaucer: The Source for Pyramus' Death-Throes in the <i>Legend of Good Women</i>." <i>Neophilologus</i>
81 (1997): 637-47. Print.<o:p></o:p><w:sdtpr></w:sdtpr></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Chaucer, Geoffrey. "The Legend of
Good Women." <i>The Riverside Chaucer</i>. Ed. Larry D. Benson. 3rd.
Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1987. 587-630. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Chaucer, Geoffrey. "The Wife of
Bath's Prologue and Tale." <i>The Riverside Chaucer</i>. Ed. Larry D.
Benson. 3rd. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1987. 105-121. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Collette, Carolyn P. "Introduction:
Rethinking the Legend of Good Women: Context and Reception." <i>The </i>Legend of Good Women<i>: Context and
Reception</i>. Ed. Carolyn P. Collette. Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 2006.
vii-xviii. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Dean, James. "Time Past and Time
Present in Chaucer's <i>Clerk Tale</i> and
Gower's <i>Confessio Amantis</i>." <i>ELH</i>
44.3 (1977): 401-18. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Delaney, Sheila. <i>The Naked Text:
Chaucer's </i>Legend of Good Women.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Fumo, Jamie C. "The God of Love and
Love of God: Palinodic Exchange in the Prologue of the Legend of Good Women
and the 'Retraction'." <i>The </i>Legend
of Good Women<i>: Context and Reception</i>. Ed. Carolyn P. Collette. Cambridge:
D.S. Brewer, 2006. 157-175. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Getty, Laura J. "'Other Smale Ymaad
Before': Chaucer as Historiographer in the <i>Legend of Good Women</i>." <i>The Chaucer Review</i> 42 (2007):
48-75. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Kiser, Lisa J. <i>Telling Classical
Tales: Chaucer and the </i>Legend of
Good Women. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Philips, Helen. "Register, Politics,
and the 'Legend of Good Women'." <i>The Chaucer Review</i> 37.2 (2002):
101-128. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Sayers, William. "Chaucer's
Description of the Battle of Actium in the <i>Legend of Cleopatra</i> and the Medieval Tradition of Vegetius's <i>De Re Militari</i>." <i>The Chaucer
Review</i> 42 (2007): 76-90. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Warren, Nancy Bradley. "'Olde
Stories' and Amazons: The <i>Legend of
Good Women</i>, the Knight's Tale', and Fourteenth-Century Political
Culture." <i>The Legend of Good Women: Context and Reception</i>. Ed.
Carolyn P. Collette. Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 2006. 83-104. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-8740153252603740872014-04-30T22:13:00.000-07:002014-04-30T22:13:53.342-07:00Non-imperial women in Anna Komnene’s Alexiad and Nikephoros Bryennios’s Materials for History<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
[This paper was written for a seminar in medieval literature at WMU in Fall 2013]</div>
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<span lang="EN-US">When the emperor reached Philomelion after
rescuing prisoners everywhere from the Turks, the return journey was made
slowly, in a leisurely way and at an ant’s pace, so to speak, with the
captives, women and children, and all the booty in the centre of the column.
Many of the women were pregnant and many men were suffering from disease. When
a woman was about to give birth, the emperor ordered a trumpet to sound and
everyone halted; the whole army stopped at once wherever it happened to be.
After hearing that a child had been born, he gave the general order to advance
by another, and unusual, trumpet blast (451).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%205300/Gender%20Roles%20in%20Anna%20Komnene.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">This episode in Anna Komnene’s<i> Alexiad</i> is meant to show both the power
and the mercy of emperor Alexios I Komnenos, Anna Komnene’s father. In this
show of power women have joined Alexios’s train, indicating that Alexios was so
powerful as to submit the whole community to his will. Anna also uses the women
to show how Alexios is merciful, since he exercises his power to accommodate
those who are among the most vulnerable members of the community, the pregnant
women. This act demonstrates Alexios’s respect for the role of motherhood. In studying
representations of gender in Anna Komnene’s <i>Alexiad</i>,
most attention has been given to the imperial women. Lynda Garland has
demonstrated that three imperial women, Maria of Alana, Anna Dalassene and
Eirene Doukaina, shaped the reign of Alexios and in Anna’s history they play a
decisive role. Looking at the imperial women (Garland 186), Barbara Hill has
argued that Anna Komnene is making an argument about the kind of power that
women can wield in their familial roles, as wife or mother (Hill “A Vindication
of the Rights of Women to Power” 52). However,
less attention has been paid to the non-imperial women, such as the pregnant
women mentioned above, and how their depiction contributes to the discussion of
gender in the text. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Nikephoros Bryennios, Anna Komnene’s
husband and fellow historian, also began to write a history of the reign of
Alexios I Komnenos, though his is unfinished. Leonora Neville demonstrates that
gender is just as important to Nikephoro’s text as it is to Anna’s, and argues
that Nikephoros uses the Roman model of masculinity to critique Alexios’s rule
(Neville 2). The main female character in Nikephoros’s brief history is also
Anna Dalassene, though it includes the other imperial women of the court.
However, Nikephoros also chooses to include non-imperial women to make his
point about gender. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Comparing Anna and Nikephoros’s
history, it is clear that they have differing opinions about gender roles. In
both cases, the role that non-imperial women play mirrors the role of the
imperial women in interesting ways. Anna
and Nikephoros had different motives behind how they portray women in their
texts, but in the case of the main characters they are the same women. However,
for the non-imperial women each choice was very deliberately included to make a
larger point in the text, and so is a useful lens through which to establish
the gender roles both as they are perceived by the authors in Byzantine
society, and as they are functioning in the texts. The non-imperial women in
Nikephoros are mentioned in conversations about the masculinity of the men,
just as the imperial women are. The non-imperial women in Anna Komnene mimic
the imperial women’s importance in caring for family and community, in addition
to being a reflection on the men in the text. In Anna’s text these women
function as powerful entities in their own right, with the ability to sway, or
as in the above example, delay an emperor whereas in Nikephoros’s text they are
only subsumed into the descriptions of the virtues of men. Analysis of the role
of the non-imperial women brings out how gender was intentionally used by each
author and helps define further how the depictions of women in both texts
relate to the depictions of men.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">As the author of her father’s
biography, Anna Komnene may be the most well-known Byzantine woman, as she is
the only extant Byzantine woman writer of history (Hill <i>Imperial Women in Byzantium</i> 34). Traditionally her work has overshadowed the
work of her husband’s, not only because it was written by a woman but because
it was finished, because it was an eye witness account of events and because it
contained details about the First Crusade. Neville points out that the two
histories, Nikephoros’s and Anna’s, are companion pieces not just because of
the relation between them, or because Anna mentions Nikephoros as a source for
her work, but because these are the two highest ranking historians from Byzantium,
when histories were already written by judges, courtiers and officials and
other people with rank (Neville 29). Nikephoros’s history is also usurped by
Anna’s history because the only manuscript containing the text is no longer
extant. Nikephoros clearly wrote in his lifetime, between 1083 and 1137, but it
is still unclear if he wrote when Alexios was alive or later. The manuscript
was acquired by French legal scholar Jacques Cujaus, who died in 1590, who lent
it to Pierre du Faur de Saint-Jorri, who was editing an edition of the <i>Alexiad</i>, and who died in 1600. The
manuscript was subsequently lost (Neville 7). Scholars today work with a
transcription of the manuscript from that period. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<span lang="EN-US">In a recent in depth study of the text
through the lens of gender Leonora Neville has concluded that “[w]hen the text
is read in light of classical Roman ideas of masculine virtue, new meanings
emerge” (Neville 2). Reading the text for gender, Neville concludes that
Nikephoros is critiquing Alexios showing how he does not live up to the
standards of Roman masculine virtues, unlike characters such as John Doukas.
Defining the role of women in the text, Neville concludes that, in addition to
being used to contrast men:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 10.0pt; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Women in Nikephoros’s history are similarly
portrayed as emotionally committed to the well-being of their families. The
women appear to ‘follow the model of the Roman <i>matrona</i>’ in taking great concern for a good marriage and their
children. Nikephoros brings women into his story of men’s deeds when their
responses to the difficulties of their families add pathos to the story
(Neville 109).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Neville’s analysis focuses on the imperial women in the
text. Anna Dalassene, as a primary figure, and her involvement in Alexios’s
decisions, casts Alexios into the role of ‘momma’s boy,’ some twentieth century
American slang that Neville finds very appropriate (Neville 174). Neville makes
it clear that neither Anna Komnene nor Nikephoros Bryennios had to place any
emphasis on women. Both of our authors include women in prominent positions,
exercising power, not only because it is true, but because they had a gender
agenda. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Anna Komnene’s text has a surer
provenance and a surer place in academic discourse. She wrote between 1143 and
1153, in the midst of the reign of Manuel and the second Crusade (Neville 182).
Neville shows that Anna Komnene’s focus on Greek, and not Roman history, plays
a role in Anna’s discourse on gender. To Anna, victory is victory no matter how
it is won, and Alexios crying does not detract from his manliness, both of
which counteract Roman ideals of masculinity (Neville 193). Consequently, the
actions of imperial women such as Anna Dalassene or Eirene Doukaina are not
fulfilling the same role in Anna’s text as they are in Nikephoros. Instead,
Thalia Gouma-Peterson argues that Anna Komnene is showing how women as maternal
models are exceptions to the weakness of women and fulfill an important role in
the imperial court (Gouma-Peterson 110). Lynda Garland also sees all imperial
women deriving their power through their connection to Alexios, but that
nonetheless they are shown to wield power, no matter its source (Garland 119).
Barbara Hill argues also that “[t]he only sphere in which the dominant ideology
granted overt power to women was as mothers. All other roles involved the
exercise of power of moral force, but women as actors were denied” (Hill <i>Imperial Women in Byzantium</i> 93). While
women wield power in the domestic sphere, Hill shows how in the Komnenian court
the public and private spheres were not necessarily separate, since familial
ties were the basis for power (Hill <i>Imperial
Women in Byzantium</i> 184). Therefore, as the title of her article “A
Vindication of the Rights of Women to Power” suggests, Hill argues that the <i>Alexiad</i> is an argument about women’s
rights to certain kinds of power in the court, and therefore this is the role
the depiction of women is playing in the text. These theories are based on the
role of imperial women in the narrative, but they can be applied to the
non-imperial women in interesting ways. However, as will be seen, depictions of
non-imperial women focus less on the maternal than the depictions of imperial
women, which has interesting implications for the role of gender in this text. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The now infamous theories of J. Howard
Johnston, arguing that the depictions of things such as battles must be
attributed to Nikephoros and not Anna, show how the texts are similar, though
the theories have been thoroughly refuted by scholars like Diether Reinsch, who
shows that “Anna was not limited to the autoptic material available to her in
Constantinople: according to her own irrefutable testimony, she accompanied her
father on military campaigns (Reinsch 98). In addition, a study of the gender
roles in each text indicate the elements of design of both authors, showing the
deliberate choices that are made by each, despite the overlap of the textual
materials. Anna Dalassene’s involvement in Alexios’s court was well known and
could not be dismissed if the authors had decided to talk about gender in their
texts. They both make this conscious decision. However, if the inclusion of
imperial women is a conscious decision, then the inclusion of non-imperial
women is an even more deliberate choice on the part of each author. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b><u><span lang="EN-US">Nikephoros
Bryennios non-imperial women<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The
non-imperial women included in each text are even more consciously included
than the imperial women, on whom the above theories of Hill and Neville are
based. Who is and who is not an imperial woman is actually more difficult to
determine than it would seem. Eiene Doukaina and Maria Alana both had the title
of basilissa, and Anna Dalassene never did, nor was she ever crowned Augusta,
though she was given other imperial titles (Garland 2). However, for the
purposes of this paper, imperial women are those women who ruled as regent, had
the title or exercised power at the imperial level. Non-imperial women can
include powerful women, but not those women whose husbands or sons ‘took the
purple shoes.’<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%205300/Gender%20Roles%20in%20Anna%20Komnene.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> For
instance, in this description of Anna Dalassene’s children there are several
daughters who can be classified as non-imperial: </span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="FR-CA">Le curopalate Jean … laissa huit enfants, comme le récit l’a déjà
signale, cinq fils et trois filles, que leur mère éleva tous à la perfection et
rendit dignes de leur famille. Deux des filles épousèrent, du vivant de leur
père, des hommes nobles et fortunés, l’aînée Marie, Michel Taronite, la puînée
Eudocie, Nicéphore Mélissènos, un homme intelligent et admirable, qui par son
père remontait à la famille des Bourtzès. Quant à la dernière de toutes,
Théodora, sa mère la maria, après la mort de son père, au fils de Diogène,
Constantin, dont le père tenait alors le sceptre des Romains, un jeune homme
noble et vaillant, mais dont le caractère n’était pas en tout point louable,
comme la suite le montra (84-6).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 40.5pt 0.0001pt 0.5in;">
[The curopalate John ... left eight children,
as the story has already been reported, five sons and three daughters, and their
mother brought all to perfection and made them worthy of their family. Two of
the daughters married, in the lifetime of their father, noble and wealthy men,
the elder Marie to Michael Taronite and the younger Eudocia to Nikephoros
Melissenos, an intelligent and admirable man, who through his father rejoined
the family Bourtzès. As to the last of all, Theodora, his mother married her
after the death of her father to the son of Diogenes, Constantine, whose father
then held the scepter of the Romans, a young noble and valiant man, but whose
character was not commendable in every way, as the sequel showed (84-6).]<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
This example of non-imperial women
is a comment on the male role in the household. For Nikephoros, the father’s
importance in giving away his daughters in marriage is very clear. The two who
were married in his lifetime married well. The one that Nikephoros explicitly
states married after his involvement was married exclusively by her mother, and
while this husband was the most powerful, he was apparently not as
‘commendable’ as the other two. Nikephoros uses these important women to
establish the men’s role in the household and the danger of the absence of men
in these decisions. This is true for all the non-imperial ‘important women’ in
Nikephoros Bryennios’s text. They are mentioned to give context to the power of
men. One of these marriage alliances is mentioned again later on, to indicate how
women can link men together:<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 10.0pt; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="FR-CA">Pendant ce
temps, Nicéphore Mélissènos, un homme de la noblesse, comme notre récit l’a
indiqué plus haut, qui était par mariage allié aux Comnène – il avait en effet
précédemment épousé leur sœur Eudocie – et qui résidait dans l’île de Cos,
attira à lui des troupes et des notables turcs et fit le tour des villes
d’Asie, après avoir chaussé les souliers de pourpre (300).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 10.0pt; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
[Meanwhile, Nikephoros
Melissenos, a nobleman, as our story noted above, who was allied by marriage to
Komnenos - had in fact previously married their sister Eudocia - and who resided
in the island of Kos , brought in troops and Turkish leaders and toured the
cities of Asia, after having chased the purple shoes (300).]<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
This time the emphasis is not on
the father’s ability to make alliances, but on the alliances that the marriage brings
to her brother Alexios in his bid to become emperor. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
Nikephoros
discusses non-imperial mothers to show how men exercise their manly virtue. For
instance, in discussing the upbringing of Manuel Doukas, Nikephoros writes: <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="FR-CA">Alors qu’il n’avait pas encore dépassé l’adolescence, il contraignit sa
mère à le laisser partit en campagne avec son frère : il suivit ce dernier
qui était à la tête des armées et montra sa valeur avant d’avoir atteint sa
maturité, portant le bouclier, maniant la lance à la perfection, et son nom fut
aussitôt dans toutes les bouches (86).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
[When
he was not yet past adolescence, he forced his mother to let him take the field
with his brother: he followed the latter who was the head of the army and
showed his value before reaching maturity with a shield, wielding the spear to
perfection, and his name was soon on everyone's lips (86).]<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
This extract supports Neville’s
claim that Alexios is criticized for being too reliant on his mother, since
Manuel Doukas is here praised specifically for counteracting the wishes of his
mother to go to war. The woman here is mentioned to give more credence to
Nikephoros’s description of Manuel as possessing manly virtues. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
Important women
are depicted as extensions of the male household. When the one emperor Isaac
Komnenos retires to a monastery the new emperor Constantine Doukas honours his
predecessor: “[e]t ce n’est pas seulement lui qu’il honorait, mais encore toute
sa famille, sa femme, sa fille, son frère et tous les siens” [and it is not
just that he honored him, but his family, his wife, his daughter, his brother
and all his household] (84). The women are included to extend the generosity of
the reigning emperor by showing him honouring all that the old emperor once was.
The old emperor has given up his rights to power by joining a monastery, which
means any rights he had because of his family connections as well. As Hill
points out, <span lang="EN-US">“the growing interest in family which this
chapter has already noted cannot be overemphasized, nor its importance
overstated,” so the fact that the (Hill <i>Imperial
Women in Byzantium</i> 66) emperor still pays tribute to the family is
indicative of his respect for his predecessor’s former power. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .25in;">
<span lang="EN-US">However,
most interesting in the text is the collection of ‘theoretical’ or
‘metaphorical’ women who are mentioned specifically to cast aspersions on the
manliness of the male characters. When Muhammad son of Ibrail, master of Persia
etc., faces the Turks in battle, Nikephoros writes that “Mouhoumet, fort
mécontent de la tournure des événements, fit aveugler à leur retour ses dix
généraux et menaça les soldats qui avaient fui le danger de les exposer à la
risée publique vêtus en femmes” [Mouhoumet, very unhappy with the turn of
event, blinded his ten generals at their return and threatened the soldiers who
had fled the danger with exposing them to public ridicule dressed up as women]
(92). </span>The worst insult to the
soldiers is for them to be dressed up as women, emphasizing the importance of
‘manly’ virtue. Likewise, when discussing a war strategy, the enemy sultan …
denigrates the fighting skills of Roman soldiers by comparing them to women:
“[e]n passant, il l’entretint de la Médie, disant que c’était un pays fertile,
mais possédé par des femmes, faisant ce rapport, le sultan envoya environ vingt
mille hommes contre les Romains” [in passing he spoke of Media, saying it was a
fertile country, but owned by women, and because of this report the Sultan sent
about twenty thousand men against the Romans] (98). In this case the report
which compared the soldiers to women ends disastrously for the sultan, but it
is another instance when being called a woman is an insult. To be manly is
specifically to do things differently from the way women do it: <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 10.0pt; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="FR-CA">En le
voyant, il se prit à sourire et l’autre se demandait ce que cela signifiait;
Alexis déclara que les hommes et surtout les soldats n’avaient pas l’habitude
de se regarder dans un miroir : ‘C’est l’affaire des femmes et seulement des
femmes préoccupées de plaire à leur époux. La parure de l’homme et du guerier,
ce sont les armes, la simplicité et la dignité de la tenue.’ Ceux qui
l’entendirent admirèrent la modestie et la sagesse du jeune homme (154).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 10.0pt; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
On seeing this he
began to smile and the other wondered what it meant; Alexis said that men and
especially the soldiers did not have the habit of looking in the mirror: 'this
is the preoccupation for women and only women, concerned to please their husbands.
The adornment of a man and a warrior is weapons, simplicity and dignity of the
outfit.' Those who heard admired the modesty and wisdom of the young man (154).<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
And, to be good men, you should be
at least as good as women “je crois en effet pareil comportement indigne
non seulement de Romains bien nés, mais même de femmes nobles et sages” [I
believe indeed such behavior unworthy not only of well-born Romans, but even of
noble and wise women] (158). <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
Nikephoros’s
theoretical women are all introduced in the text to contrast the ideas of
manliness and femininity. This supports Neville’s argument that gender is meant
to play a major role in the text, and consequently is the basis for the
critique of Alexios. But the women in the text are playing the role as bench
markers that the men can compare their manliness to. They do play roles as
wives and mothers, but this is only discussed in the text to show how women
relate to the relationships among men. Nikephoros cannot disregard the role
that wives and mothers play altogether, but by looking at the non-imperial
women it is clear that Nikephoros used women in his text to highlight the
manliness of his characters. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b><u>Anna Komnene’s non-imperial women<o:p></o:p></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
There
is much less use of the feminine as a derogative in Anna Komnene’s text;
remarkably less when you consider how much more text there is. This alone shows
how gender is being explored differently in this text. There is one instance while
fighting Masout’s forces where the emperor is said to have stated to the son of
the Satrap Asan Katou : “<span lang="EN-US">I didn’t know that women, too,
are now bearing arms against us” (449). Like Nikephoros, this is a definition
of masculinity as militant, contrasting with feminity. But it is a fairly
lonely reference in a text filled with other ways of describing women. Anna
Komnene has more space to explore the roles that women play in the unfolding
events. However, despite the more varying depictions of women’s roles, they are
still rooted in the way they affect the men of the text. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Anna Komnene’s generalized women are less
theoretical and more concrete. When Nikephoros is mentioning a group of women
they are meant to represent an abstract femininity with which men can be
contrasted. When Anna Komenene mentions a group of women they are not abstract,
but a real part of the community she describes, and they are being mentioned to
show the extent or pathos of a certain situation. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> After
the Romans under Alexios routed the Cumans Anna says that the emperor ordered
that the Romans return the loot they had taken from the countryside. The people
came to the camp and “[b]eating their breasts and raising their hands in
supplication to heaven they prayed for the emperor’s prosperity; the loud cries
of men and women alike might well have been heard on the moon itself” (272).
The women in this context demonstrate that the whole community came to praise
Alexios. To indicate that a whole community has been affected, Anna uses this
rhetorical device often, mentioning that something affects both men and women:
“[t]he upheaval that ensued as both men and women took to the road was unprecedented
within living memory” (277). When the possibility of the Turks overrunning the
people of Philemelion arose “[i]t was immediately announced that every man and
woman should leave the place before their arrival, thus saving their own lives
and as much of their possessions as they could carry” (313). In other words,
the events will affect the whole community. It further says that “without delay
the whole population, men and women alike” meaning the whole community “chose
to follow the emperor” who benevolently lead them away from the danger (313). The
battle against the Scythians saw the decimation of the community: “when the sun
was just about to set and all had been smitten by the sword, and I include
children and mothers in this number, and many also had been taken captive, the
emperor ordered the recall to camp” (226). Although it seems like this is an indictment
of her father’s actions, as the destruction of the whole community including
women and children may be included to incite pathos, Anna Komnene is using this
device to indicate the extent of the victory her father grants his followers:
“[n]or was that all – such outcomes [victory] are not uncommon in minor clashes
– but in this case a whole people, comprising myriads of men, women and
children, was exterminated in one single day” (227).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The victory is meant to reflect
well on her father’s abilities, but the fact that women are often mentioned in
groups for pathetic reasons indicates that the above example of Scythian
destruction is meant to be read with pity. For instance, in depicting Alexios’s
treatment of the Manicheans the <i>Alexiad</i>
says that “[t]he officer in charge of this duty left to drive the Manichaean
women from their homes and held them in custody in the citadel” (156). It shows
that the whole community was affected, and also that the situation was quite
tragic. Anna impugns the Latins who arrive on Crusade by showing how they treat
women and children: “nor was that all: the unreliability of these men and their
faithless nature might well sweep them again and again … through love of money
they were ready to sell their own wives and children for next to nothing”
(300). Clearly women add a sense of pathos to the episode cited in the
introduction, the rescuing of the prisoners around Philomelion. The text
describes how Alexios gets such a long train composed of such diversity:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">[t]he native
inhabitants, Romans who were fleeing from barbarian vengeance, followed them of
their own free will; there were women with newborn babies, even men and
children, all seeking refuge with the emperor, as if he were some kind of
sanctuary. The lines were now drawn up in the new formation, and having placed
all the prisoners in the centre, as well as the women and children, he retraced
his steps (443).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The text mentions groups of women here to indicate both
the extent to which the community was dependent on the generosity of the
emperor, which is especially evident in the care that he took to protect those
perceived to be vulnerable, namely women and children. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> These
groups of women, anonymous since they have no names themselves though always
named as part of a community, are most often deliberately included in the text to
show either the power or the generosity of the emperor. In the case of the
Cumans and the Manicheans, the situation is meant to have pathos because the
harsh penalties have fallen on men as well as women, however they are
situations in which the emperor is exercising his power. In other situations,
particularly on more than one occasion around Philomelion the women are
mentioned to show the generosity of the emperor towards that community.
However, in all contexts, the mention of groups of women is meant to be a
reflection that an event is taking place which affects a whole community. They
are not, however, necessarily reflecting back on the virtues of the men in this
context, unlike in Nikephoros’s text. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<span lang="EN-US">In the episode outside of Philemelion
Anna Komnene says that she herself witnessed:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">an old woman being
assisted by a young girl, a blind person being led by the hand by another man
who had his sight, a man without feet making use of the feet of others, a man
who had no hands being aided by the hands of his friends, babies being nursed
by foster-mothers and the paralysed being waited on by strong, healthy men. In
fact, the number of people maintained there was doubled, for some were being
cared for, while others looked after them (453).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The women here are clearly part of the community, and
while the old woman adds pathos to the situation, it is not necessarily because
of her gender but because of her age. In this example of the train of
unfortunate souls who have latched on to the emperor, the only one who is being
useful is the young girl. While she might be adding pathos to the situation
because of her gender, she is also an example of non-imperial women being
helpful. Anna Komnene has a lot to say about how her grandmother Anna Dalassene
was helpful to her father in running the empire, and how her mother was helpful
in catering to the needs of her husband, even if she was not popular because it
meant she went on campaign. This is mirrored in descriptions of non-imperial
women, since they are depicted, like the young girl, in useful roles. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Another
anonymous little girl is able to offer assistance, this time to the emperor:
when an assassin comes to the emperor’s tent he “caught sight of the little
girl who was fanning the imperial couple and driving away mosquitoes; at once
‘a trembling seized on his limbs and a pale hue spread over his cheeks’, as the
poet says” (247). She is not just a passive deterrent but an active force
preventing plots from coming forth from the same source: “the maid soon went to
the emperor and told him what had happened” (247). Alternatively, Alexios had
another male family servant, Traulos, who worked for him while he was
suppressing the Manicheans. When the Manicheans were imprisoned Traulos found
out his four sisters, representatives of his family and his community, were deprived
of their property and taken into custody. He tries to escape the emperor’s
service but “[h]is wife had by now discovered his plan and seeing that he was
about to run away, told the man who was at that time charged with supervision
of the Manichaeans” (158). This is another example of how women can be
specifically useful to the emperor, since she put her duties to the emperor
ahead of her duties to her husband. Likewise, when the emperor was in dire
straits, he found a woman who could offer him aid: “[f]or eleven days he
wandered seeking a way to safety – no easy task – but finally met a soldier’s
widow and found lodging with her for some time” (197).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Anna
Komnene makes a case also for the involvement of women in religious work. The <i>Alexiad</i> shows Alexios and the imperial
family interested in the affairs of the church. The imperial women are involved
in women’s communities. Alexios is also interested in the role women can play
in the church:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph">
<span lang="EN-US">When you enter this church you would
hear antiphonal choirs singing; following Solomon’s example, Alexios decreed
that there should be male and female choristers in this church dedicated to the
Apostle. The work of the deaconesses was also carefully organized. He devoted
much thought to Iberian nuns who lived there; in former times it was their
custom to beg from door to door whenever they visited Constantinople, but now,
thanks to my father’s consideration, an enormous convent was built for them and
they were provided with food and suitable clothing (454).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">These women are portrayed as fulfilling a useful and
important function, just as the anonymous women mentioned above. Even though
the last example shows women being useful in a religious context, all of these
women are useful because of their service to the emperor, including the nuns
and deaconess and female choristers, because Anna portrays Alexios as
interested in the affairs of the church, and his involvement with these female
religious reflects well on him. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<span lang="EN-US">An interesting case, however, is that
of Sigelgaita, the mother of Tancred who leads the defense of a fortress from
attack. Anna Komnene did not have to include this episode in her text.
Sigelgaita is a non-imperial woman who takes on this masculine role, not unlike
Anna’s grandmother, though even more masculine since it is military strategy
and not administration that Sigelgaita takes on. As Reinsch points out “there
was something offensive about the fighting Sigelgaita, but at the same time
Anna's words reveal that she did admire the martial valor of this woman, to
whom she devotes this brief heroic narrative (Reinsch 95). In the reader’s
understanding of the woman as a woman, it is important to see that Anna says
“[t]he place was defended by a woman, the mother, so it was said, of Tancred,
though whether she was a sister of the notorious Bohemond or not I cannot tell,
for I do not really know if Tancred was related to him on his father’s or his
mother’s side” (351). Anna is placing her in context with the men she is
associated with. The event is described thus:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">The highly
intelligent and level-headed woman inside the walls had anticipated this when
she had seen the ships arrive and had already sent a message to one of her sons
asking for assistance quickly. The Roman fleet was full of confidence, as
though the place had already fallen to them, and all the sailors had begun
acclaiming the emperor. The woman, who was herself in grievous straits, ordered
her own people to do likewise. At the same time she sent ambassadors to
Kontostephanos acknowledging the authority of the emperor and promising to
negotiate for peace; she would come to him and together they would discuss
terms, so that full details might be passed on to the sovereign. She was
contriving to keep Kontostephanos in suspense and playing for time, to give her
son the chance to reach her. Then, as they say of the tragic actors, she could
throw off the mask and start the fighting. … The combined acclamations of those
within and without echoed all round the town, while this woman gladiator kept Kontostephanos’
plans up in the air with these cunning words and her lying promises (351).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Anna both condemns her and praises her. While she is
condemned because she is doing all she can to counter the imperial forces, she
is praised for her ability to handle the situation. While this is not
necessarily a wholly positive depiction of a woman, it is an instance showing how
high ranking women can be useful to high ranking men, especially when there are
no appropriately ranked men around. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Another group of non-imperial women who
are useful to the emperor are the important women, often not anonymous, who
extend his sphere of influence through marriage alliances. Anna stresses the
importance of relatives by marriage several times. Alexios calls a counsel and
“[a]ll his relatives, by blood or marriage, were present – those, that is, who
were really devoted to him – and all the family servants” (255). Another time
he informs his closest confidantes of his decisions: “at the same time he
informed his kinsmen by blood or marriage and all the nobles enrolled in the
army that he was going out to do battle with the Scythians” (215). When he goes
into battle “[o]n right and left were those to whom he was related by blood or
marriage, and next to them selected warriors from the various contingents, all
in heavy armour” (447). Close relatives by marriage are thought by the
community to be an extension of the emperor: “[Gregory, doux of Trapezous] even
sent off a long letter to the emperor in which he abused not only members of
the Senate and prominent soldiers, but also close relatives and kinsmen by
marriage of the emperor” (349). Anna Komnene argues that relatives by marriage form
an important bond that is not easily broken. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> This
is one means that the <i>Alexiad</i> uses to
cast further aspersion on characters like Robert Guiscard, who do not properly
honour marriage ties: “we have mentioned before that Michael, for some
inexplicable reason, had agreed to unite his own son Constantine in marriage
with Robert’s daughter (her name was Helena)” (34-5). In this context the women
are links between men, as they are in <i>Materials
for History</i>. Helena’s name is an afterthought. And yet, it is through the
women that these links are formed, and so they are of great use to the emperor
and an important part of their familial groups. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The
text demonstrates the complexity of these alliances in the lengths the emperor
goes to to form an alliance with Gabras, who will become important to Alexios’s
campaigns. Isaac Komnenos, the emperor’s brother, promises his daughter to
Gabras’s son Gregory. However, Isaaac Komnenos second wife is too closely
related, so the marriage is called off. Alexios holds Gregory until he can find
another suitable match: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: .5in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">He wished to keep him
in Constantinople, for two reasons: first, he could hold him as a hostage; and,
secondly, he might win Gabras’ friendship. Thus, if Gabras did harbor some evil
design, he might frustrate it. He intended to marry Gregory to one of my
sisters. These were the reasons why the boy’s departure was delayed (233).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">With such considerations, it is not surprising that the
alliances do not always work out. For instance, the sultan Toutouses, wishing
to form an alliance with the emperor sends a son for a marriage alliance with
one of Alexios’s daughters. This is rejected, since it is not advantageous to
Alexios (170-1). Sometimes the women are named and sometimes they are not, though
it is more likely when they are related to Anna directly. Anna describes a
marriage alliance right in the middle of her description of battle, because
Alexios has gained the loyalty of many of his generals this way: “Nikephoros –
who afterwards became my brother-in-law when he married my younger sister the <i>Porphyrogennetos</i> Maria – seized a long
spear, wheeled round and met his Scythian pursuer face-to-face” (268).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The
non-imperial women are shown, just as in Nikephoros’s history, in relation to
men, but in Anna Komnene they are not reflecting the virtues of the men, but
are useful to the men in their own right. There is a lot of similarity in terms
of marriage alliances, though there is less of a stress on how important it is
that men make the alliances, as in the importance of Alexios’s father making
the decisions about who his daughters will marry instead of his mother, and
just that women are useful in alliances made by men, in that Alexios needed
alliances so he disposed of those female relatives he had in his familial unit.
The women in Anna Komnene are more representative of the community, and less
used as rhetorical devices for talking about masculinity. In the depictions of
imperial women in the <i>Alexiad</i>, their
role as mothers and widows and wives has been emphasized. While Anna Komnene
does choose to include many non-imperial women in her text, it is interesting
that important mothers and nurturing wives have largely been left out. Tancred’s
mother is the only obvious mother, and while she could be understood to be
exercising her influence in her capacity as a good mother, that conclusion is
problematic because of how conflicted Anna seems to be about Sigelgaita’s
character. The roles of powerful mother and caring wife are left solely for
empresses. However, the text does focus on women’s role as helpers of men in
general, and as helpers of Alexios specifically and on all women’s importance
to the family dynamic. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Anna Komnene is herself, technically a
non-imperial woman in the <i>Alexiad</i> –
one who does not appear in Nikephoros’s <i>Materials
for History</i>. She was one of the porphorygennitoi and grew up in the palace,
but her attempt to take the throne was famously thwarted. She is exceptional,
in that she is the only woman noted for both medical knowledge and writing a
history: “[o]n the orders of the empress I was present myself at this
conference, in order to act as arbiter; I heard the doctors’ arguments and I
personally supported the views of Kallikles; however, the view of the majority
proved decisive” (464-5). However, she does not fall outside the roles that she
sets for her women in the text as evidenced by the non-imperial women. Her main
concern may be construed as both community and family in her role as historian
and her usefulness to her father, the emperor, was felt at his death bed. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<b><u><span lang="EN-US">Conclusion<o:p></o:p></span></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">As Hill points out, “Anna’s motive [for
writing her history] is a vexed question among Byzantinists” (Hill <i>Imperial Women in Byzantium</i> 189). There
are many variables that have taken scholars in many different directions. Hill
looks to the omissions and deliberate choices that Anna Komnene makes in the
text to give us more definitive clues. The role that gender plays in Anna’s
text may reflect Anna’s objective in writing it. While Eirene and Anna
Dalassene are portrayed as powerful and important mothers, Gouma Peterson
argues that “it is no accident that while creating in her narrative ‘a mirror
in which to read herself shaped in the measure of her desire,’ that is, as a
daughter and granddaughter in relation to maternal images of two ideal women,
she does not place herself within the maternal category” (Gouma-Peterson 114).
Anna does not have a claim to power in the same way her mother or grandmother
do, but can still depict herself as a member of the imperial family and still
show how non-imperial women, like herself can be useful to the emperor. Such an
interpretation, while still speculative, is supported by the evidence of the
non-imperial women in the text. It is not just Anna, but all the other
non-imperial women, with the exception of problematic Sigelgaita, who show
their value in roles other than motherhood. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The role of women in Nikephoros’s text
may also give us a clue as to the goal of his text. The analysis of the
non-imperial women supports Neville’s analysis of the use of imperial women in
the text. Neville argues that “given the lionization of his own grandfather and
the distaste expressed for Alexios Komnenos in the history he wrote later in
life, it appears clear… that Nikephoros had wanted to become emperor” (Neville
179). However, he wanted to conform to
Roman rules of masculinity and wouldn’t take the lead in the coup that Anna
Komnene and her mother Eirene Doukaina organized at the end of Alexios’s life.
Instead John Komnenos, Anna’s brother, ascended to the imperial throne. While
again this is speculation, especially since it is unclear when in Nikephoros’s
lifetime the text was written, the depiction of women in Nikephoros’s text
supports the conclusion that, as Neville says, “he would not agree with Anna
that ‘victory always means the same thing’” (Neville 191-2). Nikephoros would
not take the throne at any cost, but defends his actions as following the codes
of manly virtue, while harbouring some bitterness against Alexios Komnenos for
his frustrated ambition. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The role of women in the <i>Alexiad</i> has been important because “presentation
of women in the <i>Alexiad</i> has been the
basis of arguments both for women’s oppression in Byzantium and their relative
freedom and importance” (Hill “A Vindication of the Rights of Women to Power”
45). Neville shows that the role of women in <i>Materials for History</i> is important because gender is key to
understanding Nikephoros’s criticisms. Both Nikephoros and Anna use information
from other sources, but it is possible to see intentional choices made in the
depictions of women in the text. The non-imperial women elucidate for the reader
the roles played by the imperial women in the rest of the text. For Nikephoros
women act in a framework that reflects on men and men’s choices. For Anna,
women possess a power that incorporates both the public and private spheres,
a.k.a. they play major roles in the well-being of family and community. The
example of the poor women from Philomelion is a perfect example of women as
helpers, as amplifiers of pathos, and tools used by Anna Komnene to reflect
Alexios’s power and mercy, as well as relating more to Anna’s depiction of
imperial women than most of her depictions of non-imperial women by showing
deference to the ideas of motherhood. How the women relate to men is an
important theme in both texts, a common denominator to both Anna Komnene and
Nikephoros Bryennios. Nikephoros wants to use it to bring down men and Anna to
bring up women. The non-imperial women characters throughout both texts are
included for specific purposes, the end result of which is to give the reader a
key through which the roles of each gender in both texts can be understood. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<h1>
<span lang="FR-CA">Bibliography<o:p></o:p></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11.0pt; font-weight: normal; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><w:sdtpr></w:sdtpr></span></h1>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<!--[if supportFields]><span
lang=EN-US><span style='mso-element:field-begin'></span></span><span
lang=FR-CA style='mso-ansi-language:FR-CA'><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>BIBLIOGRAPHY </span><span lang=EN-US><span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span lang="FR-CA">Bryennius,
Nicephorus. <i>Nicéphore Bryennios histoire: introduction, texte, traduction
et notes</i>. Trans. Paul Gautier. Bruxelles: Byzantion, 1975. Print.<o:p></o:p></span><span lang="EN-US"><w:sdtpr></w:sdtpr></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="FR-CA">Garland, Linda. <i>Byzantine
Empresses</i>. </span><span lang="EN-US">London:
Routledge, 1999. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Gouma-Peterson, Thalia. "Gender and
Power: Passages to the Maternal in Anna Komnene's <i>The Alexiad</i>." <i>Anna Komnene and her Times</i>. Ed. Thalia
Gouma-Peterson. New York: Garland Publishing, 2000. 107-124. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Hill, Barbara. "A vindication of the
rights of women to power by Anna Komnene." <i>Byzantinische Forschungen</i>
23 (1996): 45-53. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">—. <i>Imperial Women in Byzantium:
1025-1204</i>. New York: Pearson Education Inc., 1999. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">—. "The ideal imperial Komnenian
woman." <i>Byzantinische Forschungen</i> 23 (1996): 7-18. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Komnene, Anna. <i>The Alexiad</i>. Trans.
E.R.A. Sewter. New York: Penguin Books, 2009. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Neville, Leonora. <i>Heroes and Romans in
Twelfth-Century Byzantium</i>. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012.
Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Reinsch, Deither. "Women's
Literature in Byzantium? The Case of Anna Komnene." <i>Anna Komnene and
Her Times</i>. Ed. Thalia Gouma-Peterson. New York: Garland Publishing, 2000.
83-105. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Smythe, Dion C. "Middle Byzantine
Family Values and Anna Komnene's Alexiad." <i>Byzantine Women</i>. Ed.
Linda Garland. Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2006. 125-140. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Stuttgart, B.G. Teubner. "Nikephoros
Bryennios, Anna Komnene and Konstantios Doukas: A story about different
perspectives." <i>Nyzantinische Zeitchrift</i> 100.1 (2007): 169-175.
Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%205300/Gender%20Roles%20in%20Anna%20Komnene.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> The texts are read in translation. Nikephoros Bryennios <i>Materials for History</i> is not yet
translated into English, so is referenced here in French, in an attempt not to
stray too far from the original, with English translation from the author.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn2">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%205300/Gender%20Roles%20in%20Anna%20Komnene.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Or women who ruled in their own right, which happened more than
once in Byzantine history, though not in either the histories of Anna or
Nikephoros. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
</div>
Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-31873738288981462502013-06-07T17:44:00.000-07:002013-06-07T17:44:23.693-07:00University of Victoria, Home of the 'Vikes': Canadian Society of Medievalists Annual Congress 2013<a href="http://www.blogger.com/"></a><span id="goog_423552477"></span><span id="goog_423552478"></span><br />
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<a href="http://vikes.uvic.ca/images/topnav_logo.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="University of Victoria Vikes" border="0" src="http://vikes.uvic.ca/images/topnav_logo.png" /></a>I'd never been to Victoria before, the furthest west that I'd ever managed was Regina Saskatchewan. If it weren't for my first travel grant I wouldn't have really been able to go. I've also never been to a meeting of the <a href="http://www.canadianmedievalists.ca/" target="_blank">Canadian Society of Medievalists</a>, so all in all, this was a trip of firsts. In fact they were conflicting firsts, because I found my desires to do tourist things and desires to do conference things often were at an impasse. As soon as the plane landed and I saw the mountains and the sea of green in front of me, I am not sure that tourism didn't win. But, I think that, in the end, I got a good dose of both. To other tourists/conference goers to the city of Victoria I highly recommend renting a car if you can, because the University is quite a distance from the downtown. </div>
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Also I can't let the fact that the <a href="http://vikes.uvic.ca/" target="_blank">University of Victori</a>a's sports teams are called the Vikings, and are represented by this lovely horned helmet go unmentioned. It was such a nice backdrop. </div>
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<a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-M5lw8RsXtfM/UbJxxasQ3lI/AAAAAAAAAkQ/R_5YVCqKAa0/s1600/Uniersity+of+Victoria.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-M5lw8RsXtfM/UbJxxasQ3lI/AAAAAAAAAkQ/R_5YVCqKAa0/s320/Uniersity+of+Victoria.jpg" width="320" /></a>I managed to turn my seminar paper "Alfred the Little: Medievalism, Politics and the Poet Laureate" into a conference paper for this year's meeting of the annual Congress of Medieval Studies. Since it is not about something directly in the medieval time period, this meant I was at the very end of the conference.<br />
<br />
I missed much, but the quality of the presentations I saw was higher than at Kalamazoo, only because more people had practiced speaking skills, whereas Kalamazoo has some excellent speakers and some who are new to presenting. But I really enjoyed the papers that I was lucky enough to see. </div>
<b><u>Sunday June 2, 2013</u></b><br />
<br />
9:30 am <a href="http://www.queensu.ca/english/faculty/clark.php" target="_blank">George Clark</a> -<b> "Placing the past on parchment"</b><br />
<br />
This talk was a really interesting summary of the spacing and textuality of the manuscript of Chronicle A, from around the years of the Battle of Maldon. A clearer picture of Scribes 4 and 5 also developes, with Scribe 5 taking on the character of someone who is really interested in representing history.<br />
<br />
10:30 am -12:00 <b>Representations of Monasticism</b><br />
<br />
<a href="http://www.hum.leiden.edu/lucas/members-medieval-early-modern/westonja.html" target="_blank">Jenny Weston</a> - "How 'monastic' is the Monastic book?"<br />
<br />
This paper was clearly articulated with an excellent slideshow that showed that some elements which are supposed to be scholastic, are carried over into a percentage of texts used for reading in the monastery in the Netherlands where Jenny Weston is doing her research. She has compiled a database, and is looking at how books were constructed for the monastery, and what that says about the reading habits of monks. However, the chapter titles, the margins that in scholastic books are used for notes, do not carry the same connotations in the books designed for monk usage. In fact only a small percent use these techniques. Mostly the books show that they were meant to be read and re-read, and that the monks were not encouraged to make notes like scholastics were. It was a very interesting paper.<br />
<br />
<a href="http://husky1.smu.ca/~s8181935/Research.htm" target="_blank">Stephanie Morle</a>y - "Whensoever ye be touched;': monastic habits and daily necessities in <i>A Dyurnall for Devoute Soules</i>"<br />
<br />
This paper showed that A Dyurnall for Devoute Soules was different from other instructional religious texts, because it advocated a strictly organized routine, mixed with a laissez faire attitude that promoted praying when the mood struck you. The practical nature of the text shows that it was intended not for religious, but for lay people. It was for those people interested in <i>emulating</i> the lives of the religious.<br />
<br />
<a href="http://www.rmc.ca/aca/eng-ang/per/alakas-b-eng.asp" target="_blank">Brandon Alakas</a> - "Shakespeare's Medievalism and the Life Removed: Depictions of Religious in <i>Measure for Measure</i>"<br />
<br />
This paper showed that, despite the entrenched demonization of religious in Elizabethan and Jacobean drama, Shakespeare often employs sympathetic (though not entirely unflawed) religious characters. These include the Friar in Romeo and Juliet, but it is particularly interesting in Measure for Measure. The paper also proposes that the choice is often of a Friar, because they had varied responsibilities and were apparent in varied places,they had a mixed life, making them ideal for their usage in Shakespeare's dramas.<br />
<br />
Monday June 3, 2013<br />
<br />
1:30 pm - 3:00 pm <b>Medieval Emotion</b><br />
<br />
<a href="http://www.historyofemotions.org.au/about-the-centre/who-we-are/postdoctoral-researchers/dr-spencer-young.aspx" target="_blank">Spencer Young</a> - "Avarice and the Emotions in thirteenth century Moral and Pastoral Discourses"<br />
<br />
Avarice is an umbrella for quite a number of sinning activity in the thirteenth century. Crimes of usury fell under the heading of avarice. Most interesting where the texts, such as Paraldus, which stated that leaving money you got through usury to your children is still selfish because it does nothing for your soul, and endangers the souls of your children.<br />
<br />
<a href="http://sites.stfx.ca/history/donna_trembinski" target="_blank">Donna Trembinski </a>- "Roland of Cremona's Scholastic Appraisal of Sadness (1229)<br />
<br />
In Roland of Cremona's text says that sadness, as an act, is sinful, though it is less sinful in those that are melancholic by nature than in those who have other natures and indulge in sadness. At the UNiversity of Paris, where Roland became a Master after an incident where many of the Masters had left, he is representing an interesting intersection between theology and medicine, since the humours can determine one's mood, and certain moods can be sinful.<br />
<br />
<a href="http://history.athabascau.ca/faculty/mcels/" target="_blank">Marc Cels</a> - "A Pastoral or Academic Approach to Wrath in Thomas of Ireland's Dictionary of Quotations, the <i>Manipulus florum</i> (1306)?"<br />
<br />
The Manipulus florum represented a theory of wrath that treated it more positively than it is treated in many other texts. It recognizes that there is a good and righteous wrath that can be exercised appropriately. This is what separates it from instructional texts for preaching.<br />
<br />
3:30 pm - 5:00 pm - <b>Women @ the Edge</b><br />
<br />
<a href="http://www.trentu.ca/englishma/faculty.php#Findon" target="_blank">Joanne Findon</a> - "'I have loved you for a long time': Fairy Lovers, Liminal Women, and the Female Journey'"<br />
<br />
This paper is a small part of a larger project that is looking at women's subjectivity in romantic encounters between this world and the other world in Irish literature. The subject of this paper was specifically about mortal women who meet an other worldly man, and who, since they have sons, have their experience elongated, told over the course of their son's maturation as well. These tales involve women who are already unhappy in some way with their temporal lot. Often the lover comes with a protestation that they, though they were absent, were in love with the subject for a long time. In some ways, though the encounters are often problematic, the wishing of the women has summoned the men to the encounter.<br />
<br />
<a href="http://www.wlu.ca/homepage.php?grp_id=305&f_id=35" target="_blank">James Weldon </a>- "The Troublesome Monstrosity of the Lady of Sinadoun in <i>Lybeaus Desconus</i>"<br />
<br />
In Le Bel Inconnu, the Lady of Sinadoun is monstrous, but when she kisses the hero, her dragon exterior melts away and she is revealed to be beautiful. There are interesting parallels with the like of St. Margaret, who makes the cross inside the dragon, and is released. Both are linked to children and childbirth. This problematizes even further the fact that the body, which the beautiful maiden emerges from, is monstrous, suggesting a monstrosity inherent in women, one that can trace its theoretical roots back to classical ages.<br />
<br />
<a href="http://research.mtroyal.ca/research.php?action=view&type=researchers&rid=1568" target="_blank">Kenna Olsen</a> - "At the edge no more: Middle English Women's claim of textual space"<br />
<br />
This was a really interesting presentation, using a presentation tool I hadn't seen before, prezi.com. This looked at women's engagement in the epistellary tradition, by looking at the letters of three different women from 1156-1537. The letters are all in English, and they are mostly written to request financial aid. What is interesting is that it shows that women were aware of the letter writing tradition and so had some integration in the literary tradition. This is good, because there is a silence from women about their involvement in the textual world of the Middle Ages. However, there is also evidence that the letters may have been written, at least some of them, by a professional scribe, through dictation.<br />
<br />
Tuesday June 4, 2013 <b>Understanding the Medieval</b><br />
<br />
<a href="http://nd.academia.edu/AndrewKlein" target="_blank">Andrew Klein</a> - "The Rhetoric of Independence: The Wars of Scottish Independence, Then and Now"<br />
<br />
For the upcoming Scottish referendum, the SNP has decided to steer clear of any associations with the medieval past to push for a yes vote for Scottish independence in 2014. they don't engage at all with the rhetoric of the past. However, there is a popular adherence to figures like William Wallace, Robert the Bruce and the battle of Bannockburn. The association is being made in any case, so Klein argues that the SNP should embrace an interpretation of the past as a tool, because otherwise they will have no stake in how these nationalistic images are used. I am not sure I agree with the conclusions, but I found this discussion of the political use of the past, and the discussion of the effects of the middle ages on the popular consciousness to correspond the most to my own work, and so it was to me the most interesting presentation. This is no doubt why we are in the same panel.<br />
<br />
<a href="http://utoronto.academia.edu/NoellePhillips" target="_blank">Noelle Phillips </a>- "<i>Piers Plowman</i>, Popularity, and Pedagogy'<br />
<br />
This looked at how studying Piers Plowman, and the tradition of Piers Plowman together in one class can stimulate discussions that will make it more interesting to learners and also will generate discussions about texts that are not as frequently studied. It can also generate modern interest in Piers Plowman.<br />
<br />
Me!<br />
<br />
I can only say that I think it went quite well. People laughed at the appropriate times.<br />
<br />
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<a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-D0GMyJoMv4k/UbJy34o6XcI/AAAAAAAAAkc/I74J_wAhZVs/s1600/Victoria.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-D0GMyJoMv4k/UbJy34o6XcI/AAAAAAAAAkc/I74J_wAhZVs/s320/Victoria.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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I also went to the banquet, got three free books from the society, and went to the fanciest President's Reception that I have ever been to. I managed to sneak in also a visit to<a href="http://www.pc.gc.ca/lhn-nhs/bc/fortroddhill/index.aspx" target="_blank"> Fort Rodd and Fisgard Lighthouse National Historic Site</a>, Whale Watching, went to <a href="http://fishermanswharfvictoria.com/" target="_blank">Fisherman's Wharf</a>, did the <a href="http://www.discoverthepast.com/gwalks.htm" target="_blank">Ghost Walk</a> and visited <a href="http://www.thecastle.ca/" target="_blank">Craigdarroch Castle</a>. Victoria was lovely.<br />
<br />Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com0Victoria, BC, Canada48.4284207 -123.3656444000000148.3441267 -123.5270059 48.5127147 -123.20428290000001tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-66732508136996808812013-05-21T16:14:00.000-07:002013-05-21T16:14:23.815-07:00Power and Danger in the liminal spaces – Outlaws as Waste in Grettis saga Ásmundarsonar, Gísli saga Súrsson and Harðar saga og Hólmverja<br />
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<span lang="EN-US" style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; line-height: 200%;"> Occupying the
transitional state between literature and history, the<i> íslendingasögur</i>, sagas of Icelanders or family sagas, tell the
tales of Iceland’s early settlers. In-text evidence suggests that they were
understood as both history and entertainment both in their oral and textual
transmission. The family sagas are of special interest to scholars because of
their subject matter, covering the period from the ninth century until
approximately the eleventh or twelfth. The Icelandic society of the family
sagas is ruled by both honour and the seasons. Personal and family honour makes
personal vengeance a matter of course among the Icelandic farmers. A killing
begets a killing, resulting in full family feuds. To stem the violence and
assure both justice and honour have been given their due, plaintiffs could
bring their complaints to local assemblies, or to the island wide assembly
called the Althing. At the Althing men, or the Lawspeaker, could make a judgment,
and ask the offending party or family to pay a wergild, a payment, for the
crime or the death, to compensate the family for the loss of that individual
and satisfy honour without more death. Or, at the assembly, the offending party
could be outlawed. To be outlawed meant that no one should offer you help, and
that people were free to kill you without incurring further penalties
themselves. Once you were outlawed, it was up to the plaintiff family to
enforce it. There are many instances of outlawry throughout the family sagas,
however, according to Anthony Faulkes, </span><i style="line-height: 200%;"><span lang="EN-US">Grettis saga Ásmundarsonar</span></i><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">,
<i>Gísli saga Súrsson</i> and </span><i style="line-height: 200%;"><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Harðar saga og
Hólmverja</span></i><span lang="EN-US" style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; line-height: 200%;"> are the only three where
outlawry remains a major theme. Grettir, Gísli and Hörðr are three men who “</span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">lived and died as outlaws in the Icelandic countryside.” <a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn1" name="_ednref1" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[i]</span></span></span></a>
</span><span lang="EN-US" style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; line-height: 200%;">For the peace of the Icelandic society, these men had
to be removed. However, as Grettir so aptly says when asked why he happened to
be out in the woods, </span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">“I cannot avoid everything; I had
to be somewhere” (169).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn2" name="_ednref2" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[ii]</span></span></span></a>
In their lives as outlaws who still reside in Iceland, they carve for
themselves societal, physical and mental liminal spaces to inhabit. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; line-height: 200%;">The outlaw represents the waste of Icelandic society, and
occupies the strange liminal space between the civilized and the uncivilized, the
settlement and the wild and the human and the monstrous. In these spaces the
outlaw is both powerful and dangerous and is subjected to power and danger.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Mary Douglas, in her book <i>Purity
and Danger</i>, studied the purification rituals of so-called ‘primitive’
societies, determining that what is considered waste, or dirt, is that which is
out of place, that defies our categorization.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn3" name="_ednref3" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[iii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Purification is achieved through the removal of that which is considered
dangerous. In the Icelandic society of the early Middle Ages, the outlaw was a
threat to the stability of the society, and so must be removed. They become
what Douglas identifies as an anomaly, which can be ignored, perceived and
condemned, or can create a new pattern of reality into which they might fit.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn4" name="_ednref4" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[iv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
If the outlaw manages to stay outside of the society, he could be safely
ignored. However, since “no individual lives in isolation and his scheme will
have been partly received from others,” those who have made the individual into
an outlaw may seek him out to destroy him, to permanently push him out of the
bounds of society through death.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn5" name="_ednref5" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[v]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
The outlaws in Iceland also cannot permanently remove themselves, and so cannot
be wholly ignored. The third option is that they create their own reality. The
outlaw attempts to create a new reality for himself, but it has destabilizing
repercussions on the existing reality, and so is not successful. This
unsuccessful existence between an old reality and a new one puts the outlaw
into a transitional state. According to Douglas, “danger lies in transitional
states, simply because transition is neither one state not the next, it is
undefinable. The person who must pass from one to another is himself in danger
and emanates danger to others.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn6" name="_ednref6" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[vi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Outlaws, in their status on the outskirts of society, are obviously in danger,
outside of the protection of the group and subjected to the elements, but they
are dangerous, since they are deprived of the societally sanctioned ways of
sustaining themselves. With a sentence of outlawry Iceland has tried to
minimize the danger to itself, but while the outlaw persists on the fringes, it
is in more danger. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">An outlaw who continues to interact with the Icelandic Commonwealth
mimics the <i>draugar</i> who pepper their
stories, in that they are versions of the living dead. They are waste that has
not yet been completely purged from society. The outlaw is, according to the
theories of Julia Kristeva, abject. Abjection is that which disturbs “identity,
system, order.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn7" name="_ednref7" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[vii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
That which is of me, but not me, that I wish to be distinct from me, is the
abject. According to Kristeva, “if dung signifies the other side of the border,
the place where I am not and which permits me to be, the corpse, the most
sickening of wastes, is a border that has encroached upon everything.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn8" name="_ednref8" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[viii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
On the border of the society and of the living, the outlaw represents the
ultimate abjection, because their status is ambiguous. Only powerful people can
survive on the fringe. For Icelandic society, people who survive on the fringe
must possess some worthy qualities, and yet they are also monstrous. They are
not players in society’s decisions and yet they are; because of their continued
liminal existence, decisions must be made that take them into account. The
outlaw is the object, an Other, which the men of Iceland can use as a benchmark
to give themselves identity. However, their existence threatens the identity of
the others in the sagas, not just because they are a physical and economic
threat, but because they too could so readily be subjugated to the fringes. In
the outskirts the outlaw proves himself powerful, but is confronted with the
whole power of both the solitary wilderness and the Icelandic society he is
encroaching. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The texts for <i>Grettis saga
Ásmundarsonar</i>, <i>Gísli saga Súrsson</i>
and </span><i><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Harðar saga og Hólmverja</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> are found several
places, though manuscript AM 556 a 4to has a compilation of all three.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn9" name="_ednref9" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[ix]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
<i>Gísli saga </i>was composed first,
sometime in the first half of the thirteenth century, during the ‘classical’
period of the composition of family sagas. Both <i>Grettis saga</i> and </span><i><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Harðar saga</span></i><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> were most likely
written in the fourteenth century, a long time after Iceland was ceded to the
Norwegian Crown in 1262-3.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn10" name="_ednref10" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[x]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
They were also composed after the<i>
fornaldarsögur </i>(legendary sagas), and <i>riddarsögur
</i>(continental romances) were taking over as a prime means of expression in
Iceland.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn11" name="_ednref11" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[xi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Therefore, there is even less verisimilitude in <i>Harðar saga</i> and particularly <i>Grettis
saga</i> than <i>Gísli saga</i>. The
elements that modern readers would consider more supernatural help highlight
the exclusion and abjection of Grettir, although this also occurs because it is
the longest of the sagas, as Grettir supposedly lived longer than any other man
in outlawry, so the themes are more fully developed. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">In all three sagas the narrator decidedly admires these career
outlaws: Grettir is described as “the most valiant man there has been in
Iceland” (262)<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"> <a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn12" name="_ednref12" title=""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></a></span>;
likewise, “everyone agreed that [Gísli] was the most valiant of men, and yet he
was not in all things a lucky man” (98)<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn13" name="_ednref13" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xiii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>;
</span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Hörðr</span><span lang="EN-US">’s life brought him
honour, except for the time he was in outlawry, and he was “in the first rank
of outlawed men because of his wisdom and skill with weapons and all kinds of
abilities” (97).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn14" name="_ednref14" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xiv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
The violence of the society is the source of the contradiction. The society
portrayed in these texts both praises justified acts of violence and wanton
strength coupled with intelligence, but must also stem the violence so the
society does not destroy itself. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">This contradiction
between the amorality of the outlaws, and the crime that must be punished is
explained in Kristeva: </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span lang="EN-US">Any crime, because it draws attention to the fragility of the law,
is abject, but premeditated crime, cunning murder, hypocritical revenge are
even more so because they heighten the display of such fragility. He who denies
morality is not abject; there can be grandeur in amorality and even in crime
that flaunts its disrespect for the law – rebellious, liberating, and suicidal
crime. Abjection, on the other hand, is immoral, sinister, scheming, and shady:
a terror that dissembles a hatred that smiles, a passion that uses the body for
barter instead of inflaming it, a debtor who sells you up, a friend who stabs
you.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn15" name="_ednref15" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Hörðr</span><span lang="EN-US">’s outlawry is in part caused by feud, and
in part caused by having poor stand-ins at the assembly to plead his case. The
text makes it clear that </span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Hörðr</span><span lang="EN-US"> would not have been outlawed if he could have come to the assembly
to speak for himself. Gísli’s outlawry stems the violence that has resulted
from a family feud. The violence is foreshadowed at an earlier assembly, where
Gestr predicts there will be falling out amongst four men who are kinsmen
through a series of marriages. Gísli, trying to counteract bad luck says “</span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">I can think of a good thing to do, and that is to bind our
friendship with stronger ties, and swear blood-brotherhood between the four of
us” (13).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn16" name="_ednref16" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[xvi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
However, they do not swear the oath, denying themselves the solidity of a
compact, or society, to keep them all safe, and all four suffer for it. </span><span lang="EN-US">Grettir’s first crime worthy of outlawry is the death of Skeggi,
whom he fought with over a food-bag. For this he is outlawed for three years.
The second time he is it is because he, accidentally but because of his
monstrous nature, burned a building down with all of its inhabitants inside.
All three outlaws have committed crimes worthy of outlawry, though the degrees
of their crime reflects the amount of time they ultimately spend in outlawry;
three years, fifteen years and very nearly twenty years respectively.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The pronouncement of outlawry is
when they gain their marginal status. Douglas points out that people all over
the world are willing to tolerate marginal beings, until they are labeled as
marginal.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn17" name="_ednref17" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xvii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Once these men have become outlaws they contaminate all the people that they
come in contact with. Thorstein, who has been complicit in the killings Gísli
was outlawed for, tells Gísli </span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">“warning, if men are
trying to kill you, but I will not give you protection that may bring a case
against me” (49).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn18" name="_ednref18" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[xviii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a></span><span lang="EN-US"> Grímr offers help to Grettir but wants to avoid sheltering him because
“I want to avoid the legal penalty of becoming guilty of harbouring you’” (152).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn19" name="_ednref19" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xix]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Eleanor Barraclough, studying the liminal status of Grettir and Gísli, notes
that “the description of outlawry found in the Icelandic law code <i>Grágás</i>, which states, … ‘he shall be
known as a wolf, as widely as the world is inhabited, and be rejected
everywhere and be driven away throughout all the world’”<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"> <a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn20" name="_ednref20" title=""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xx]</span></span><!--[endif]--></a></span>
is different from the more nuanced ‘social exclusion’ in the outlaw sagas,
since the men cannot successfully totally exclude themselves from the world.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn21" name="_ednref21" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
There is danger for anyone who helps the three outlaws, just as the outlaws are
in danger from them. Therefore people are hesitant to help, but at the same
time the outlaws would not survive unless they received support from within the
society. As marginal beings they are in danger from within and from without. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US"> That exclusion from the group,
and from the limited amount of safety that comes from associations like kinship
ties or worn brotherhood, such as Gísli tries to form, is a severe form of
punishment is evidenced by statements in the texts about how difficult it is to
be alone. Glámr, the draugr, curses him before his outlawry, foreshadowing his
exclusion from society: “you will find it hard to be alone” (121).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn22" name="_ednref22" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Grettir tries to create a new reality for himself on the margins as part of a
new group, with other outlaws, however he finds outlaws as hard to trust as
himself, and the text states that “after this Grettir would never take in
outlaws, and yet he could hardly bear being alone” (183).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn23" name="_ednref23" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxiii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Because of his marriage, and because his kinship ties are so integral to his
status as an outlaw, Gísli does not try to create a new reality for himself,
but is intimately tied to the old one through connections such as his wife Aud.
Trying to get Aud to tell them where Gísli is hidden, she is assaulted with her
own solitary status: </span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">“you can see for yourself,’ he
says, ‘how miserable it becomes for you, living in this deserted fiord, and
having this happen to you because of Gisli’s bad luck, and never seeing your
kinsfolk or their families” (83).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn24" name="_ednref24" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[xxiv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
The group conveys identity and stability. Not only is it physically difficult
to be on the margins, but it is mentally and emotionally dangerous as well. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> Hörðr is different because
he is both more and less successful at creating a new, marginal reality. Once
he is declared an outlaw Hörðr retreats to Holm, an island. There are:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">A hundred and eighty people were on Holm when they were at
their maximum and never fewer than in the seventies when they were at their
minimum… Nearly all the doubtful characters found their way there and swore
oaths to Hörðr and Geir to be loyal and true to them and to each other (65).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn25" name="_ednref25" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[xxv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Hörðr minimizes the abject state of isolation by creating a marginal
society. However, this is the reason that he can subsist in outlawry for only
three years. In <i>Gísli saga</i> “it is
agreed among all wise men that Gisli went longer as an outlaw than any other man,
except Grettir son of Asmund” (56).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn26" name="_ednref26" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[xxvi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
The reason that they can be outlaws for such long periods of time is because
they realize the danger that outlaws, people outside the law, pose to them as
men. It is the same danger they pose to others. Hörðr is ultimately betrayed by
an outlaw, Bollu, who integrates himself into the group, and then leads the men
into an ambush in order to reduce his own marginal status, and have his
sentence of outlawry commuted. Grettir understands the impulse to reintegrate,
and </span><span lang="EN-US">Barraclough notes that “Grettir still has human
needs, and his life on the island is punctuated by short-lived attempts to
reintegrate himself into society.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn27" name="_ednref27" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxvii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Not only are the outlaws subject to danger from the environment and from other
outlaws, but even outlaws understand the dangers that outlaws pose. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Clearly outside the law already,
the bonds that they form are not binding like they would be inside the law. The
betrayal by other outlaws represents a particular kind of danger for those with
a marginal existence, which is that the bonds that hold the Icelandic society
together are subject to perversion on the outskirts. As Douglas notes, as
marginal beings the greatest danger to the society comes from them: “it seems
that if a person has no place in the social system and is therefore a marginal
being, all precaution against danger must come from others.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn28" name="_ednref28" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxviii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Since they can already be killed with compunction, there are no deterrents to
physical violence. But the biggest way that they can destabilize society is
economically. Since they have to keep outside the bounds of society, they
cannot undertake any tasks, such as farming, that contribute to it, especially
if they are going to stay in Iceland. As a large marauding host, </span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Hörðr</span><span lang="EN-US"> and the Holm-dwellers represent
a considerable threat. Icelandic citizens like </span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Þorsteinn Gullknapp have to give up economic or political status to save
their property. Þorsteinn promises to send vagabonds to them, and is then
exempt from raiding. In the text Grettir appears to represent as much of an economic
drain as all of the Holm-dwellers together. Grettir moves from district to
district, </span><span lang="EN-US">“Grettir took from there whatever he wanted
and Þorkell dared not object or withhold anything” (166).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn29" name="_ednref29" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxix]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
When Grettir and his two companions at last move to Drangey, they eat all of
the sheep on the island and won’t let anyone else access the land. This
represent a major economic set back for the district, since “they say that
there were no fewer than twenty people who had shares in the island and none of
them was willing to sell his share to anyone else” (228).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn30" name="_ednref30" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxx]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Grettir devalues the land, and allows his opponent Þorbjǫrn ǫngull to buy the
land for cheap, though it will only be of value to him if he can remove
Grettir. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The failure of </span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Hörðr</span><span lang="EN-US">’s alternate reality, of
Grettir’s solitary existence, and of Gísli’s attempts to live on the margins is
that as marginal beings they are powerful forces for the destabilization of
Icelandic society. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Hörðr</span><span lang="EN-US">’s
marginal society cannot survive, because it lacks the bonds that make up the
true Icelandic society, both social and economic. And perhaps it could have
subsisted if it did not depend on the existing Icelandic society for the
material for subsistence, because it would not have been such a destabilizing force.
Gísli never tries to remove himself from society entirely. Therefore, the crime
that caused his outlawry continues to be a destabilizing force in Icelandic
society. Grettir continues to commit crimes. And though he is able to physically
remove himself from society, he is not able mentally, so his abject self
continues to destabilize Icelandic society. Grettir nearly survives twenty
years in outlawry, and the text promises that is he had, he would have been
released from his sentence, and re-integrated. According to Laurence De Looze,
it is significant that “Grettir is killed on the eve of being permitted to
return to society. A liminal, antisocial figure, Grettir must die as he has
lived: an outlaw.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn31" name="_ednref31" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxxi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Grettir, </span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Hörðr</span><span lang="EN-US">
and Gísli cannot be reintegrated into Icelandic society, because as abject
marginal beings, they have become monstrous to the society, even if they are
also admired for their ability to live in the liminal spaces. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Barraclough notes the way that
the landscape mirrors Grettir and Gísli’s liminal status. The landscape both
demarcates the outlaws as separate, and also emphasizes their unhuman status:
“while outlaws were no longer members of society, they were still human and
consequently not the natural denizens of the chaotic wilderness.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn32" name="_ednref32" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxxii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
William Sayers, notes that outlawry means not only excluding the people, but
moving them to a “natural periphery, where man was marooned in an unknowable
and thus constantly threatening world.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn33" name="_ednref33" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxxiii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
In the outlaw sagas the outlaws are denizens not just of the margins, but of a
marginal Other world. Gísli inhabits the spaces in and above the farmhouses, or
in the cliffs and woods around his settlement: </span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">“after this he stayed sometimes with Aud in the house in
Geirthiofsfiord, and sometimes in a hiding-place north of the river which he
had made for himself; he had another hiding-place by the cliffs south of the
river, and sometimes he stayed there” (55).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn34" name="_ednref34" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[xxxiv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Holm, the dwelling place of Hörðr and his outlawed companions, “has sheer
cliffs down to the sea and is as wide as a great cattle-pen” (64).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn35" name="_ednref35" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[xxxv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Grettir, the most wide ranging of the outlaws, lives in the marginal spaces of
people’s homes, but is also more versed in the liminal spaces, as he is
exponentially more other-worldly than Hörðr or Gísli: </span><span lang="EN-US">“Grettir
stayed on Fagraskogafiall for a whole winter without any attacks being made on
him, even though many lost their property because of him and could do nothing
about it, for he had a good fortification and was always good friends with
those who lived nearest him” (188).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn36" name="_ednref36" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxxvi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Grettir makes cave dwellings his home, and hides them from prying eyes. He is
instructed in the wild, unforgiveable spaces of Iceland by trolls: “then he
went up onto Geitland glacier and made for the south-east along the glacier...
it is thought that he was following directions given by Hallmund, for he knew
about all sorts of places” (199).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn37" name="_ednref37" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxxvii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Drangey, the island where Grettir ends his life, is described very much like
Holm. Helen Leslie looks at the demarcation of other worlds in the <i>fornaldarsögur</i> and found that, like
here, the space is separated by “boundaries involving mists, darkness, forest
and frequently cliffs and water.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn38" name="_ednref38" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxxviii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
These other spaces are places of power for the outlaws. In these spaces they
survive when no one else cam, and they are embarking from a relatively safe
position to disturb the surrounding Icelandic society. The spaces represent the
Other, monstrous power of the outlaws, because they are spaces that normal men
cannot easily reach or breach. And yet, they are also monstrous to the outlaws,
whose relationship with these spaces is “progressively dysfunctional.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn39" name="_ednref39" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxxix]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
The spaces represent their monstrous side, and so are grating to their human
sides, who cannot stand the isolation. Even Grettir has to leave Drangey,
disguised as Gestr (stranger, alien, guest), to interact with people that he
has long since left behind. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The weather and the seasons
heighten the presence of the Other in the text. In <i>Gísli’s saga</i> “the snow never stayed on the south-west side of Þorgrim’s
[burial] mound and it did not freeze there” (43).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn40" name="_ednref40" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xl]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
In <i>Grettir’s saga</i> the revenants,
supernatural enemies, and even formidable human opponents, appear in the dead
of winter. Glámr, the most famous of the draugar that Grettir faces, appears in
winter to torment the inhabitants of the farm. The landscape adds to the
uncanny effect of the Other in the text. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Kristeva makes the connection
between abjection and the dead; “it is the human corpse that occasions the
greatest concentration of abjection and fascination.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn41" name="_ednref41" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xli]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
They are abject because of our potential to become a corpse; there is an
ambiguous line between the living and the dead in a corpse, and between a
person and not a person. In the outlaw sagas the dead are omnipresent. Not only
do deaths cause the outlawry, but the dead continue to influence the realm of
the living. In <i>Gísli saga</i>, Thorgrim
and Vesteinn’s mounds are part of the immediate landscape. It is in the
presence of these mounds that poetry is recited that reveals to other
characters who are guilty parties in elicit deaths. And in the presence of
these mounds oaths are made of vengeance for personal and family honour. In <i>Harðar saga</i> and <i>Grettis saga</i> the death physically interact with the main
characters: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span lang="EN-US">in the medieval Icelandic culture of the supernatural, one who
recrossed the boundary from death to life was called <i>aptrgangr </i>(revenant) or <i>draugr</i>,
derived from the Indo-European root <i>dhreugh</i>
(harm, deceive). In the <i>draugr</i>,
spirit is not breathed into matter so much as material corporeality is retained
by the restless spirit.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn42" name="_ednref42" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xlii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Hörðr</span><span lang="EN-US"> and his friend Geir
break into Soti’s mound to get treasure and prove their bravery. Soti defends
his hoard. Hörðr is the only man who is strong or brave enough to fight Soti.
His fight gives him honour, because he fulfills another man’s vows, who was too
cowardly to carry them out. Grettir fights so many supernatural creatures he
becomes renowned for his revenant fighting abilities. He first fights Kárr in
his mound, just as </span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Hörðr</span><span lang="EN-US">
does. Later he fights Glámr. The Glámr fight, however, signifies Grettir’s
descent. Glámr curses Grettir: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">You have become
renowned up to now for your deeds, but from now on you will become guilty of
crimes and deeds of violence, and nearly everything you do will lead to your
misfortune and failure. You will be made outlaw and be compelled always to live
in the open on your own. I also lay this upon you that these eyes of mine will
be always before your sight, and you will find it hard to be alone and this
will bring you to your death (121).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn43" name="_ednref43" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xliii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US">By
interaction with the dead, and by demonstrating their unique suitability for
interacting with the people who have passed the transition to the Other world,
the outlaws confirm that they are in an ambiguous state between living and
dead, human and monster, where they can communicate with both.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US"> All three outlaws have traits that set them
apart from the rest of men to begin with. One trait they all share is their
ability to prophesize about the future, and their inability to do anything
about it. Gísli prophesizes the fallout between him, his brother and his
brothers-in-law and sees his own death in a dream: “now the dreams become so
much for Gisli, and he becomes so frightened of the dark, that he is afraid to
be alone” (88).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn44" name="_ednref44" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xliv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Hörðr is able also to see the future, though his counsels are often ignored:
“that will have to come to pass which is fated” (76).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn45" name="_ednref45" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xlv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Grettir also foreshadows his own death. Not surprisingly, this is a trait that
they share with <i>draugar</i>: “as in many
traditional societies, the Norse dead are thought privy to knowledge not accessible
to the living.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn46" name="_ednref46" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xlvi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
The major fault of all three is that they do not possess luck. Faulkes says
that <i>gœfueysi </i>can sometimes be
translated as lack of good luck or misfortune.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn47" name="_ednref47" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xlvii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Beyond their status as liminal members of society, or being men who are just
about to be killed, their status as outlaws compounds an already monstrous
person, who could have been good had they had a healthier dose of good luck. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Gísli sacrifices his servant by
giving him his cloak in order that he can get away himself. Even if this is not
morally reprehensible, it is a waste of resources. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Hörðr</span><span lang="EN-US"> kills Helgi Sigurdson at the end of the
text so that no one will kill him before his eyes. Grettir’s monstrosity is
well noted in the text, as during his two crimes which cause his outlawry, his
killing of Skeggi and the burning of Thorir’s sons, Grettir either compares
himself to a troll, or is mistaken for one. According to Barraclough, “the
ambiguous and often liminal position that the [outlaws] occupy within society
is established long before their outlawry, and they are marked out early on
both by their prodigious abilities and socially disruptive tendencies.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn48" name="_ednref48" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xlviii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Even their admirable qualities, such as their prodigious strength or wisdom,
put them outside the bounds of regular society and makes them marginal beings.
Therefore, the outlaws of the outlaw sagas are Other. According to Straubhaar,
within the Icelandic sagas the presence of the Other is to be met with
hostility, even though it was not that long ago that they formed, through
settlement, what the boundaries of the society were. The Other “deserve
whatever they get at our hands.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_edn49" name="_ednref49" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xlix]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US"> It was not that long ago that Iceland
was settled by men and families that were successfully removed from Norway as
waste, who no longer fit into the social structure due to political upheaval or
outlawry, and were able to create a new reality because they were able to
completely remove themselves from the old Norwegian reality. The Icelandic
society of the ninth to the eleventh century as displayed in the family sagas
is perhaps more conscious of their boundaries because they are so relatively
new, and because the law is so tenuously enforced, through a system of social
bonds. If the outlaws were able to completely remove themselves from the
Icelandic society, by relocating, at least temporarily to other places or other
occupations, the outlaws stand a chance of reintegration into the society,
because they have not lived as monstrous others, destabilizing the community.
However, the outlaw sagas depict people who chose, or had to, stay in Iceland
for the duration of their outlawry. They can never be reintegrated, and so live
on the margins between fully functioning Icelandic humans and the dead Other.
In those liminal spaces there is danger, and they are dangerous. But the
liminal spaces are also places of power, as by transcending the spaces and
abilities of ordinary men, outlaws are more than human – they are powerful. Family
sagas are themselves abject to the literary critic and the historian, because
of their ambiguous status as neither literature nor history. It is up to the medievalist
to re-order the categories, create a new reality that Douglas would be proud of,
that takes into account the ambiguous status of the characters of the <i>íslendingasögur</i>. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle">
<u><span lang="EN-US">Notes<o:p></o:p></span></u></div>
<div>
<!--[if !supportEndnotes]--><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="edn1">
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref1" name="_edn1" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[i]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"> Anthony
Faulkes, ed.. <i>Three Icelandic Outlaw Sagas: The Saga of Gisli, the Saga of
Grettir, the Saga of Hord</i>, trans. George Johnston and Anthony Faulkes
(London: Everyman, 2001) xv.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn2">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref2" name="_edn2" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[ii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “Eigi má nú við ǫllu sjá; vera varðek nǫkkur” Guðni Jónsson, “Grettis
Saga Ásmundarsonar,” <i>Íslenzk Fornrit</i>,
volume 7 (ReykjavikL Hið Íslenzja Fornritafélag, 1936) 169. Translations in
this text are based on the Anthony Faulkes and George Johnston edition, though
some alterations are my own. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn3">
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref3" name="_edn3" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[iii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"> Mary
Douglas, <i>Purity and Danger</i> (New York: Routledge Classics, 2002) 2.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn4">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref4" name="_edn4" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[iv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Douglas 48.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn5">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref5" name="_edn5" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[v]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Douglas 48.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn6">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref6" name="_edn6" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[vi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Douglas 119-20.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn7">
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref7" name="_edn7" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[vii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"> Julia
Kristeva, <i>Powers of Horror: An Essay on Abjection</i>, trans. Leon S.
Roudiez (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982) 4.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn8">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref8" name="_edn8" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[viii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Kristeva 3.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn9">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref9" name="_edn9" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[ix]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Faulkes xvii.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn10">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref10" name="_edn10" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[x]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Faulkes xv.</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn11">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref11" name="_edn11" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Faulkes xv.</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn12">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref12" name="_edn12" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “inn vaskasti maðr, er verit hefir á Íslandi” <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn13">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref13" name="_edn13" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xiii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “er þat alsagt, at hann hefir enn mesti hreystimaðr verit, þóat
hann væri eigi í ǫllum hlutum gæfumaðr” Gustaf Cederschiöld, “Gísli saga
súrssonar,”<i>Altnordische Saga-Bibliothek</i>
(Halles: Verlag von Max Niemeyer, 1903) 98.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn14">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref14" name="_edn14" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xiv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “hann hafa verit í meira lagi af sekum mönnum sakir vizku ok
vápnfimi ok allrar atgervi” Þórhallur Vilmundarson ed., “Harðar saga,” <i>Íslenzk Fornrit</i>, volume 13 (Rekyavik:
Hið Íslenzka Fornritafélag, 1991) 98.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn15">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref15" name="_edn15" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Kristeva 4.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn16">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref16" name="_edn16" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xvi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “enda sé ek got ráð til þessa, at vér bindum várt vinfengi með
meirum fast mæm en áðr, ok sverjumz í fóstbroeðralag fjórir”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn17">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref17" name="_edn17" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xvii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Douglas 121.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn18">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref18" name="_edn18" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xviii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “at gera þik varan við, ef men vilja drepa þik; en bjargir veiti ek
þér engar, þær er mér megi sakir á gefa”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn19">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref19" name="_edn19" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xix]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “en forðask mun ek lǫg, at verða sekr um brargir við þik”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn20">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref20" name="_edn20" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xx]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> This text is recorded in Barraclough: “hann skal svá víða vargr
heita, sem víðast er veröld byggð, ok vera hvarvetna rækr ok rekinn um allan
heim.” <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn21">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref21" name="_edn21" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Eleanor Rosamund Barraclough,
"Inside Outlawry in Grettis saga Asmundarson and Gisla saga Surssonar:
Landscape in the Outlaw Sagas", <i>Scandinavian Studies</i> 82.4 (2010): 366-70.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn22">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref22" name="_edn22" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “mun þér þá erfitt þykkja einum at vera”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn23">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref23" name="_edn23" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxiii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “eptir þat vildi Grettir aldri við skógarmǫnnum taka, en þó mátti
hann varla einn sama vera”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn24">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref24" name="_edn24" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxiv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “máttu ok á þat líta, segir hann, hversu óhallkvæmt þé verðr at
liggja í eyðiferði þessum, ok hljóta þat af óhǫppum Gísla, ok sjá aldri frændr
ok nauðleytamenn”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn25">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref25" name="_edn25" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “átta tiger manna annars hundraðs váru íHólmi, þá er flestir váru,
en aldri færi en á inum átta tigi, þá er fæstir váru … þangat drifu nær allir
óskilamenn ok svörðu eiða þeim Herði ok Geir at vera þeim hollit ok trúir ok
hverr þeira öðrum”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn26">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref26" name="_edn26" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxvi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “þat komr saman með ǫllum virum mǫnnum, at Gísli hafi lengst allra
manna, í sekð gengit, annar en Grettir Asmundarson”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn27">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref27" name="_edn27" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxvii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Barraclough 377.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn28">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref28" name="_edn28" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxviii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Douglas 121.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn29">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref29" name="_edn29" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxix]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “hafðu Grettir þaðan slíkt, sem hann vildi, ok þorði Þorkell ekki
at at finna eða á at halda” <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn30">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref30" name="_edn30" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxx]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “svá segja men, at eigi ætti færi men í eyjunni en tuttugu, ok
vildi engi sinn part ǫðrum selja” <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn31">
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref31" name="_edn31" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxxi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"> Laurence De
Looze, "The outlaw poet, the poetic outlaw; self-consciousness in Grettis
saga Asmundarsonar" <i>Arkiv for nordisk filologi</i> 106 (1991): 86.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn32">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref32" name="_edn32" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxxii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Barraclough 368.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn33">
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref33" name="_edn33" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxxiii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"> William
Sayers, "The Alien and the Alienated as Unquiet Dead in the Sagas of the
Icelanders." <i>Monster Theory: Reading Culture</i>, ed. Jeffrey Jerome
Cohen (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996) 253.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn34">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref34" name="_edn34" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxxiv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “eptir þetta er hann stundum í Geirþjófsfirði á boe Auðar, en
stundum í fylgsnum fyrir norðan ána, er hann harði gǫrt sér; annat fygsni átti
hann við kleifarnar suðr frá garði, ok var hann ýmist”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn35">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref35" name="_edn35" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxxv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “er sæbrattr ok viðr sem mikit stöðulgerði”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn36">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref36" name="_edn36" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxxvi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “sat Grettir í Fagraskógafjalli svá einn vetr, at honum váru engar
atfarar gǫrvarar, en þó misstu þá margir sins fyrir honum ok fengu ekki at
gǫrt, því at hann hafð got vígi, en átti jafnan vingott við þá, sem næstir
honum váru” <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn37">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref37" name="_edn37" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxxvii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “þá gekk hann upp á Geitlandsjǫkul ok stefndi á landsuðr eptir
jǫklinum … þat ætla men, at hann hafi farit at tilvisan Hallmundar, því at
honum hefir verit viða kunnigt”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn38">
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref38" name="_edn38" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxxviii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"> Helen
Leslie, "Border Crossings: Landscape and the Other World in the
Fornaldarsogur", <i>Scripta Islandica</i> 60 (2009) 131.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn39">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref39" name="_edn39" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xxxix]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Barraclough 378.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn40">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref40" name="_edn40" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xl]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “at aldri festi snæ útan sunnan á haugi Þorgrims ok ekki fraus”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn41">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref41" name="_edn41" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xli]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Kristeva 149.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn42">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref42" name="_edn42" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xlii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Sayers 242.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn43">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref43" name="_edn43" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xliii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “Þú hefir frægr orðit hér til af verkum þínum, en heðan af munu
falla til þin sekðir ok vígaferli, en flest ǫll verk þín snúask þér til ógæu ok
hamingjuleysis. Þú munt verða útlægr gǫrr ok hljóta jafnan úti at búa einn
samt. Þá legg ek þat á við þik, at þessi augu sé þér jafnan fyrir sjónum, sem
ek ber eptir, ok mun þér þá erfitt þykkja einum at vera, ok þat mun þér til
dauða draga.” <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn44">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref44" name="_edn44" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xliv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “nú gerðiz svá mikit un drauma Gísla, at hann gerir svá
myrkhræddan, at hann þorir hvergi einn saman at vera”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn45">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref45" name="_edn45" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xlv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> “þat mun verða fram at koma, sem ætlat er”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn46">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref46" name="_edn46" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xlvi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Sayers 242-3.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn47">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref47" name="_edn47" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xlvii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Faulkes xix.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn48">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref48" name="_edn48" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xlviii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Barraclough 369.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn49">
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206210/Power%20and%20Danger%20in%20the%20liminal%20spaces%201.docx#_ednref49" name="_edn49" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[xlix]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt;"> Sandra
Ballif Straubhaar, "Nasty, brutish, and large: Cultural difference and
otherness in the Figuration of the Trollwomen of the Fornaldar sogur," <i>Scandinavian
Studies</i> 73.2 (2001): 118.</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
</div>
Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-51546206868011491702013-05-21T16:10:00.001-07:002013-05-21T16:10:46.904-07:00Hamlet and Amleth, Princes of Denmark: Shakespeare and Saxo Grammaticus as historians and the politics of kingly actions in the Hamlet/Amleth narrative<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Shakespeare played a decisive role in creating
a Middle Ages for the generations that came after him. In the introduction to <i>Shakespeare and the Middle</i> <i>Ages</i>, Curtis Perry and John Watkins note
that “almost any book written on the Hundred Years War or the Wars of the Roses
begins by explaining just how Shakespeare got it wrong. He conflated
characters, condensed chronologies, cleaned up some careers, and sullied
others” (Perry and Watkins 1). The two tetralogies comprise the body of work
that is commonly studied for medievalisms, and in these plays Shakespeare’s
interpretation of the past demonstrates nation building, ‘Englishness,’ and a
concern about the nature of power (Perry and Watkins 16). A different kind of
engagement with the medieval past is occurring in <i>Hamlet, Prince of Denmark</i>, though it is no less concerned with
nations and the nature of power. Set in a contemporary Danish court, the play draws
on the medieval Scandinavian tradition of Amleth which is encapsulated in Books
3 and 4 of Saxo Grammaticus’s <i>Gesta
Danorum</i>. What is interesting is that <i>Hamlet</i>,
removed from its medieval setting, steps away from a representation of the
past, but the text it is drawn from conversely bears remarkable similarities to
the tetralogies in its treatment of the past; the <i>Gesta Danorum</i> is the recording and creation of a national past for
Denmark, as Shakespeare’s plays do for England. The difference, in part, is
that the tetralogies look back to a recent medieval past from an early modern
perspective, and the <i>Gesta Danorum</i> is
looking to an ancient and early medieval past from the High Middle Ages. While <i>Hamlet</i> represents an entirely different
kind of antiquarianism, thinking about it as an expression of medievalism
influences the way that we read the text. In part it has caused a search for a
‘historical’ Hamlet, a task that Alexander Welsh has identified as very
frustrating since “Shakespeare is among those artists chiefly responsible for
our (high) standards of verisimilitude,” and the so-called historical Hamlet is
hard, if not impossible to pin down (Welsh 4). Shakespeare adapts the medieval
narrative for dramatic purposes and for an Elizabethan audience. Determining what
about <i>Hamlet, Prince of Denmark</i> is a
product of medieval Scandinavia and what is a product of the English Renaissance
is not a fruitful way to look at the narratives, because it ignores the textual
tradition that separated the two writers, and even suggests that we can
pinpoint an exact transmission history between the two, which we cannot.
However, the juxtaposition of the two texts suggests an interpretation of both.
English scholarly interpretation of the Saxo Grammaticus narrative has been
rooted in textual histories of <i>Hamlet</i>,
and placing the <i>Gesta Danorum</i> beside
Shakespeare’s text throws further light on the political and national aspect of
Shakespeare’s medievalism. Juxtaposing the two texts, and film adaptations of
the two texts, highlights the political nature of the personal and familial
tragedy in <i>Hamlet</i> and places <i>Hamlet</i> amongst Shakespeare’s more obviously
medieval plays. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Saxo Grammaticus wrote the <i>Gesta Danorum</i> over many years. Arguments
have been made for the order in which the books were written, but the
completion of the work probably occurred between 1208 and 1218 (Davidson 1). In
the Preface Saxo states that he is writing this work for a patron and for
national identity: “cum cetere naciones rerum suarum titulis gloriari,
uoluptatemque ex maiorum recordacione percipere soleant, Danorum maximus
pontifex Absalon patriam nostrum, cuius illustrande maxima semper” <i>because other nations are in the habit of
vaunting the fame of their achievements, and joy in recollecting their
ancestors, Absalon, Archbishop of Denmark, had always been fired with a
passionate zeal to glorify our fatherland</i> (1). Saxo does construct this
narrative for a purpose, though he has been criticized for not possessing the
artfulness of some of his contemporaries such as Snorri Sturluson. The first
books about the distant and largely mythic past represent an ideology of
kingship (Davidson 6). In the Preface he gives credit to his sources for tales
about the past, including Danish oral tradition and the “Tylensium industria” <i>diligence of the men of Iceland</i> who “official
continue sobrietatis exerveant, omniaque uite momenta ad excolendam alienorum
operum noticiam conferre soleant” <i>pursue
a steady routine of temperance and devote all their time to improving our knowledge
of others’ deeds </i>(3). The combination of art and history reminds us of
Shakespeare’s treatment of events such as the War of the Roses. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">It is not possible to confirm Saxo’s source,
but there is enough evidence to suggest the Amleth tale is rooted in
longstanding Scandinavian traditions. William Hansen, studying the Amleth
narrative in Saxo Grammaticus, has identified five medieval Danish chronicles
that give a very truncated version of the life of Amleth (<i>The Annals of Ryd</i>, <i>The Annals
of Slesvig</i>, <i>The Runic Chronicle</i>, <i>The History of the Danes in Danish</i> and <i>The Legend Chronicle</i>), which suggests a
wide knowledge in Denmark (Hansen 147-9). Sources in Iceland also suggest there
was a longstanding tradition there. The <i>Ambales
Saga</i>, recorded after the Middle Ages, tells a romantic version of the same
story as found in the Saxo (Hansen 38). There is also, dating from about two
centuries before the <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, a
reference by an Icelandic poet to ‘Amloði’s meal,’ referring to sand (Hansen 5).
This mirrors the event in the <i>Gesta
Danorum</i> where, in his feigned madness, Amleth refers to the sand on the shore
as flour that “eadem albicantibus maris procellis permolita esse” <i>had been ground by the foaming billows when
it was stormy</i> (89). Hansen demonstrates that there may be a link between
this story and Scandinavian words for fool: “as a common noun <i>amlóði</i> is current in Icelandic in the
sense of ‘an imbecile, weak person,’ and it survives in Norwegian dialect as <i>amlod</i> ‘a fool’” (Hansen 6). And it is
not just a Scandinavian tradition, but a folkloric one, with <i>The Hero as Fool</i> motif informing many
stories that are passed down through to the modern tradition (Hansen 36).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Saxo writes in Latin because works of
national history tended to be written in Latin, including Bede’s <i>Historia ecclesiastica Anglorum</i> and Paul
the Deacon’s <i>Historia Langobardorum</i>,
which Saxo mentions in his Preface (Hansen 40). Yet, the <i>Gesta Danorum</i> is not a work of history according to our modern
conception of what history is. Books X-XVI have debatable historical value, but
Books I-IX refer to northern traditional tales of the past, containing too many
supernatural and unsubstantiated stories to be accepted by modern audiences
(Davidson 2). Like the many ghosts found in Shakespeare, including in <i>Hamlet</i>, the dragon fight in Book II and
other elements tells us we are dealing with a different kind of story, not
unrelated to history, but not as obviously grounded in ‘verisimilitude.’ <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Hilda Ellis Davidson, in her introduction to
Peter Fisher’s translation of the first nine books of Saxo Grammaticus, shows
how English scholarship of the text has centered around the Amleth story
(Davidson 2). Hansen’s work, while about the Amleth tale, is called <i>Saxo Grammaticus and Life of Hamlet</i>,
even though Hamlet and Amleth are not etymologically related (Hansen 6).
Therefore, while it is clear that Shakespeare, or at least the sources for
Shakespeare’s <i>Hamlet</i> chose that
English name based on its resemblance to Amleth, there is no reason to suppose
the Amleth of Saxo Grammaticus should be Anglicized for modern readers as
Hamlet, unless it is to the purpose to remind your Shakespearean readers why
they are researching Saxo Grammaticus in the first place. The first translation
of Saxo into English by O. Elton in 1894 Davidson attributes to the popularity
of Shakespeare’s play. Historicity and the textual tradition have been the
mainstay of English scholarship on the <i>Gesta
Danorum</i> because of the popularity of <i>Hamlet</i>.
Philip Edwards, in his introduction to the New Cambridge Shakespeare edition,
does not overestimate <i>Hamlet</i>’s
importance when he states “it is probably safe to say that in the world’s
literature no single work has been so extensively written about as <i>Hamlet, Prince of Denmark</i>” (Edwards 32).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Considering Shakespeare’s treatment of the
Middle Ages in other texts, Perry and Watkins state that “even if we know that
Shakespeare gave the wrong answers, he asked the right questions, or at least
asked the questions that still shape our sense of what mattered during the
Middle Ages” (Perry and Watkins 3). If we apply that to <i>Hamlet</i>, what questions does <i>Hamlet
</i>ask of the medieval narrative, even if it is inheriting the tradition
through various intervening texts? How else, besides in whether or not it
conforms to our idea of history, does the juxtaposing of the two texts
influence our understanding of the Amleth tradition in the <i>Gesta Danorum</i>? By looking at <i>Gesta
Danorum</i> Amleth through a <i>Hamlet</i>
lens, we see the text in two parts, the part of the narrative that coincides
with the events in <i>Hamlet</i>, and the
events which extend past the <i>Hamlet</i>
narrative. The juxtaposition says that what is important about the medieval
tale is that the dynastic jockeying for position, the travelling that occurs
between England and Denmark and Scotland and the death in open battle are less
remarkable ways to come to political prominence in the medieval northern
tradition, than to pretend to be a fool to safeguard your life, and to take the
throne by trickery as opposed to by force. This is why this text should be
remembered. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The juxtaposition also says that audiences
should pay attention to the character of Amleth and his motivations. <i>Gesta Danorum</i>’s Amleth is a crafty
Germanic king, whose every move is calculated to get him more political power
in the context of Germanic kingship. Because he possesses the basic qualities
necessary for a good king, including noble birth, intelligence, martial power
and ambition, Saxo Grammaticus does not speak ill of him, even though this king
is a minor king of Jutland, and not descended, or contributing descendants to,
the main Zealand line that Saxo is keenly interested in. There are no political
reasons why Saxo needs to keep Amleth a spotless king. Saxo as narrator
condemns Fengi, Amleth’s uncle, for incest and fratricide, saying “quisquis
enim uni se flagicio dederit, in aliud mox procliuior ruit” <i>whoever commits himself to one crime soon
finds himself sliding downhill towards the next </i>(87). In Saxo’s depiction
of kingship, it is not ambition or murder that are problems so much as
violating bonds of kinship, and secrecy or lying. Everyone knows Fengi killed
the king, but he lies about his reasons. There are no condemnations of Amleth
for killing his uncle, but there is the inclusion of a long speech after the
act so that Amleth can justify his actions to his followers, and in that speech
there is no lying. Seeing these events through the lens of <i>Hamlet</i>, we question Amleth’s motivations more than the text leads
us to. Why Saxo does not condemn the secrecy and kin killing of Amleth, though
he condemns Fengi, are explained only by the fact that the language used
establishes Fengi as bad, so that all bad done to him and his retainers is
justified by his status as an unworthy Germanic king. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The events in <i>Gesta Danorum</i> and <i>Hamlet,
Prince of Denmark</i> are specifically similar enough to posit there is a
direct relation between the texts, but different enough and separated enough by
time for the relation to be unknown. It is the <i>Gesta Danorum</i> specifically, and less the rest of the medieval
Scandinavian tradition of Amleth, that starts the textual journey to becoming <i>Hamlet</i>, though other sources cannot
definitively be ruled out. The relevance of this is summed up by Hansen: “I do
not, however, take up the old problem of the origin of Hamlet story, not
because the question is uninteresting, but because it appears to be
unanswerable” (Hansen xii). Scholars, interested in the historicity of either
text, have done some work in tracing the Amleth tradition. A text of <i>Gesta Danorum</i> was printed in Paris in
1514 and a copy of the Amleth story was told by François de Belleforest in the
fifth volume of <i>Histoires tragiques</i>
in 1570 (Hansen 66). This is supposedly a transitional text, though Davidson,
not unbiased as an editor of Saxo Grammaticus, sides with Yngve Olsson, stating
that Shakespeare uses a simple Latin version of the text as his source material
(Davidson 67). An earlier <i>Hamlet</i>, no
longer extant, was acted in 1589, and it is believed to have been the work of
Thomas Kyd, though Edwards indicates that that also is uncertain (Edwards 3).
The textual tradition of <i>Hamlet, Prince
of Denmark</i> itself is complicated, as there is not one definitive text for
how <i>Hamlet</i> was acted on the stage in
Shakespeare’s day (Edwards 8). The suggestion as well that Shakespeare could
have been with the acting troupe that went to Elsinore in 1586 complicates even
further the possible textual transmission, though less so for tracing what has
come from the medieval tales, and more so for determining what Shakespeare
himself added to the play (Srigley 178). The textual history is tangled. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Instead of
trying to sort out the exact medieval influences on Shakespeare’s work, it is
more fruitful to see how the medieval tale, and the <i>Gesta Danorum</i> in particular, directs our understanding of <i>Hamlet, Prince of Denmark</i>. Hansen, in
marking the transitions between the two texts, argues that Shakespeare’s play
takes the emphasis off of action and puts it on character. For instance, Hansen
argues that in Saxo the reason for delaying the revenge is a matter of action,
or external reasons; he has no opportunity to get at the king or the king’s
supporters. In Shakespeare the delay is a matter of character (Hansen 75). The
tale has also been moved from Jutland to Elsinore, in Zealand. In Saxo they are
fighting over a local kingship, though the rules of how kings behave are no
less pertinent to the reader. In <i>Hamlet</i>
they are fighting, on a small scale, for the throne of Denmark, and it is so
precisely Denmark, and so imprecisely Denmark, that the point can be applied to
all kings, and all nations. According to Edwards, the most important changes
from the medieval tale to the Elizabethan play are “1. The murder becomes
secret; 2. A ghost tells Hamlet of the murder and urges revenge; 3. Laertes and
young Fortinbras are introduced; 4. Ophelia’s role is extended and elevated; 5.
The players and their play are introduced; 6. Hamlet dies as he kills the king”
(Edwards 2). The general change of time, from a tale of the past to a tale of
the imprecise present, contrasts the universality of the emotional components
of the play with the added local colour that indicates Denmark specifically.
When the two texts are juxtaposed, the reader is drawn to what it means to be
king and the importance of family ties to kingship. The national and political
aspects of the play are highlighted, because every action in the original
medieval tale is an expression of kingship, and that is what Hamlet and Amleth
share. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The retention
of Denmark is a significant tribute to the original medieval text, because the
story could have been set elsewhere to match the change in epoch. By keeping
the play in Denmark the setting serves as a place both familiar and foreign to
the audience. Gunnar Sjörgen, who postulated a geography of the play that shows
the borders between Denmark, Norway and Poland are confused, shows that
Elsinore is meant to resonate with an English audience since it was one of two
ports English ships would have been familiar with (Sjörgen 69). Other places
where an historical Denmark asserts itself is in the reference to the
intemperate drinking, which Michael Srigley argues was a well-known aspect of
the Danish court of Christian IV (Srigley 168). It is mentioned several times,
as characteristic of the Danes, often by Hamlet, who states “though I am native
here/ And to the manner born, it is a custom/ More honoured in the breach than
the observance (1.4.13-16). Wittenberg was well-known school where there were
many Danish students, and Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are aristocratic Danish
names (Srigley 168). However, while the references to a specific Denmark enrich
the setting of the play, no references deny the universality of the Elsinore of
<i>Hamlet, Prince of Denmark</i>. If some
names are distinctly Danish, others are Greek (Laertes, Ophelia), Latin or
Neo-Latin (Claudius, Cornelius, Marcellus, Polonius), or Italian (Horatio,
Barnardo) (Hansen 85).” Edwards remarks that “Fortinbras, with its Frenchness
(‘Strong-arm’), is an odd name for a Norwegian
king and his son” (Edwards70). Polonius’s reference to Danskers in Act
2, Scene 1 line 7 represents the confusion, because while it is clearly meant
to be Danes, Sjörgen shows the word actually meant people from Danzig (Gdansk)
in Poland, and that there is a strange geography at play here (Sjörgen 69). Of
course, Shakespeare may be representing a legitimate understanding of
continental geography that did not correspond with reality, but regardless, the
placement of Norway and Poland on the borders of Denmark tighten the action of
the play, make the setting more claustrophobic, which has been noted during
stagings of the play, so that it is not necessarily a mistake (Duffy 141). This
is Denmark, but it is not just Denmark. Denmark is a stand in for a state that
is familiar, but not too familiar. In Act 2 Scene 2 when Hamlet exclaims
“Denmark’s a prison,” Rosenkrantz replies “Then is the world one” (2.2.233-4). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">This is significantly different from the <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, since Saxo’s purpose is
to create a specifically national history, one that sets Denmark apart from
other countries, though worthy of a similar historical treatment. But it is
similar to the way that the other historical plays create a nation. Perry,
commenting on Benedict Anderson, demonstrates the early modern fascination with
the ‘imagined community’ of England (Perry 173). The idea of an imagined nation
does not have to be limited to depictions of one’s own nation. <i>Hamlet</i>, like the tetralogies, is
concerned with nation and statehood, organized around a central kingship. The
medieval narrative has been brought closer to audiences by updating the Danish
references, but maintains distance from home and relation to the original tale
by retaining Denmark as a location. Most importantly, it retains the theme of
kingship from <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, although
it is no longer Germanic kingship, but the age of absolute central rule (Perry
175). Analyzing Elizabethan plays that
engage with the Middle Ages, Perry states that “for though these plays stage
certain kinds of cultural heterogeneity … Helgerson is clearly correct to argue
that they are ultimately plays about the consolidation of royal power conceived
of as central to a brand of national identity” (Perry 174). <i>Hamlet</i> is engaging with the Middle Ages,
though in a way that puts history on the backburner.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Drinking at funerals, fostering and sworn
brotherhood, part of the social and political structure of the kingdom in <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, have different places in
the social and political structure in <i>Hamlet</i>,
though they have not entirely disappeared (Hansen 83). It would be impossible
to say whether we are seeing adaptation by Shakespeare, or insertion of a
social structure that is coincidentally similar in the two texts. However, the
importance of the social and political structure to Amleth’s motivations draws
attention to the importance of the political structure to Hamlet’s motivations.
An elective monarchy is an aspect of
Germanic kingship, old-fashioned even by Saxo Grammaticus’s time. The <i>Gesta Danorum</i> balances an antiquarian
idea of what Germanic kingship was in a mythic heroic age, and what kingship
looked like at the beginning of the thirteenth century. In the <i>Gesta Danorum</i> it is common for brothers
to take over kingship, as royal blood and kingly qualities is more important
than primogeniture, but nor is primogeniture unimportant. Edwards argues that
for Elizabethan audiences this was very antiquated, and that they had a “deep emotional
commitment to primogeniture and the right of a son to inherit … for the
audience, the system is a legalism which runs counter to their instinctive
sense of rightness” (Edwards 42). The
people who elect kings are called the “rabble”:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The rabble call him lord,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> And as the
world were now but to begin,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Antiquity
forgot, custom not known, <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The ratifiers
and props of every word,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> They cry
‘Choose we! Laertes shall be king.’<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Caps, hands and
tongues applaud it to the clouds,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> ‘Laertes shall
be king, Laertes king!’ (4.5.102-108)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto;">
<span lang="EN-US">This is not an ancient Germanic election, but simply a country that
cannot honour those who are the kings by right of primogeniture. This affects
Hamlet, who is the offended party. His loss of a father is also the loss of a
promised office, which should not have been the case. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">When the system falls apart, and royalty cannot
be maintained, the state falls apart. An interesting similarity between <i>Gesta Danorum</i> and <i>Hamlet</i> is the conflation between the person of the king and the
political body that makes up the nation. <i>Gesta
Danorum</i> means History of the Danes, but it is a history of exclusively
Danish kings. A history of the people is a history of the kings, and this is
true of the other Latin national histories that Saxo references. It is
interesting, then, to see the way the king stands in for the country.
Rosencrantz, talking about the office of the king, says that “Never alone/ Did
the king sigh, but with a general groan” (3.3.22-23). Laertes, when convincing
Ophelia not to pursue Hamlet, says that he may have lost interest because<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">He may not, as unvalued persons do, <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Carve for
himself, for on his choice depends <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The sanctity
and health of this whole state,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> And therefore
must his choice be circumscribed<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Unto the voice
and yielding of that body<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Whereof he is
the head. (1.3.19-24)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto;">
<span lang="EN-US">The king must act for the country. In the play, not only are they
responsible for the state, but they stand in for it. Claudius and King Hamlet are
both referred to as Denmark, the King of Norway is called Norway and it is the
same for England; when Claudius sends a message to the King of England for
Hamlet to be killed, he says “Do it England,/ For like the hectic in my blood
he rages,/ And thou must cure me” (4.3.61-3). Therefore, there is added
significance to Marcellus’s line that “something is rotten in the state of
Denmark” (1.5.90) and to Hamlet’s statement that “Denmark’s a prison” (2.2.233)
because in both cases it shows how there is something wrong in the state, and
also in the mental capacity of he who embodies the state. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">In the <i>Gesta
Danorum</i> Amleth’s madness is a political act. Amleth uses it to save himself
from the same fate as his father: “eoque calliditatis genere non solum ingenium
texit, uerum eciam salute defendit” <i>this
piece of artfulness, besides concealing his true wisdom, safeguarded his life</i>
(88). This is what made the tale distinct from the other tales of kingship in
this large body of work, and why it gets passed down to us. But the nature of
Hamlet’s madness is different. If the act of madness is also for
self-preservation, it is of a different kind, since there is no indication that
Claudius was going to kill him, nor that acting mad would keep Claudius from
doing so. Welsh argues that the madness “owes something to the northern saga
material,” since it is the root of the story (Welsh 9). In Saxo Grammaticus the
madness is a way for Amleth to remain connected to his world, and to ensure his
proper inheritance. The ‘antic disposition’ marks Hamlet’s alienation from his
world, and brings on Claudius’s suspicion that something is wrong (Edwards 46).
Claudius’s guilt is revealed through feigned (or maybe real) madness, which
allows for political action on Hamlet’s part, but Fengi’s guilt is known and
madness is a stalling technique. Madness in both texts is a way of enacting
family and dynastic politics, though the madness in the two texts has opposite
effects. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Hamlet’s character is more complex than
Amleth, as <i>Hamlet, Prince of Denmark</i>
is arguably more (psychologically) complex than <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, but both texts end their narratives by commenting on
how royal a personage the protagonist could have been if fate had been even
kinder. <i>Gesta Danorum</i> ends the tale
of Amleth by talking about his death in battle: “such was Amleth’s departure.
If fate had tended him as kindly as nature, he would have shone as brightly as
the gods and his courage would have allowed him to surpass the labours of
Hercules.” (101) Fortinbras, who arrives just in time to pick up the political
pieces, commands<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Let four captains<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Bear Hamlet
like a soldier to the stage,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> For he was
likely, had he been put on, <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> To have proved
most royal; and for his passage,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The soldier’s
music and the rite of war<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Speak loudly
for him. (5.2.374-379)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto;">
<span lang="EN-US">The two texts talk about the character of the royal personage, because,
besides a narrative, both texts share an interest in expressing an ideology of
kingship. Looking at <i>Hamlet, Prince of
Denmark</i> through the lens of the <i>Gesta
Danorum</i>, what Shakespeare highlights from the medieval tradition is the
ways that kings shaped their state and how the character of a king is important
to his ability to rule. In Saxo Grammaticus, the killings and madness are
aspects of statehood, and that is not lost in the Elizabethan play, though the
personal and familial tragedy is an added dimension.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The presence of Saxo Grammaticus’s work
influences our understanding of <i>Hamlet</i>
by placing it in a tradition of medieval Scandinavian narratives about the
court of Jutland and about the nature of kings, even though the medieval has
been removed from the text. But arguably, the presence of <i>Hamlet</i> has had a much greater impact on the understanding of <i>Gesta Danorum</i> in the English-speaking
world. Take, for instance, two low budget film interpretations of the two
texts. <i>Hamlet</i> (2000), directed by
Michael Almereyda, is set in New York City in the year 2000. Robert Hapgood
argues that Almereyda is well versed in <i>Hamlet</i>
interpretations, but radically fractures the text to create his film. What this
adaptation shares with other film adaptations of <i>Hamlet</i> is a sense of the claustrophobia of Elsinore, or the indoor
nature of most of the scenes. Even the scenes with the Ghost take place in
small apartments or in basements and elevators of skyscrapers. Outdoor shots
are framed by skyscrapers, though most of the action occurs indoors. Robert
Duffy argues that “locale remains considerably less important here than in most
other Shakespearean plays.” (Duffy 141) In many stage and film productions the
emphasis is on the personal/family tragedy (Hapgood 75). Almereyda’s
interpretation is not without political implications, with Denmark being
instead the Denmark corporation, and Fortinbras representing a rival interest
looking for a corporate takeover, but the emphasis is on the personal and
family tragedy. <i>Hamlet</i>’s place and
time are out of joint, so although the time and the place of the setting of <i>Hamlet</i> provide something for the
audience, it is not as integral to the play as, say, the psychological state of
the characters. Denmark does not carry with it a stigma of being particularly
good or particularly anything, so nothing is lost by changing the setting. What
is important is the idea of statehood. Almereyda’s film, then, is as much
medievalism as Shakespeare’s play, in that this is the continuation of an
ongoing adaptation of a medieval narrative that has not yet lost its inherently
political message. But audiences do not think of it as medieval. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Compare this to
how we think of adaptations of the <i>Gesta
Danorum</i>, which cannot be thought of without reference to the later Shakespearean
tradition. <i>Royal Deceit </i>(1994),
directed by Gabriel Axel, is an adaptation of the Amleth story of Saxo
Grammaticus starring Gabriel Byrne and Christian Bale. Unlike Almereyda’s <i>Hamlet</i>, the openness of the outdoors
marks this film, which is introduced by a few minutes of panorama shots of
Scandinavian wilderness. Much of the film is, in narrative, very close to what
occurs in the <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, making
it seem like what has been compromised in the plot for film audiences has been
done so unwillingly. The film is an obvious interpretation of both a medieval
text and medieval history in its setting. Audiences are meant to recognize the
medieval. However, the narrative of <i>Hamlet</i>,
separate from the <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, has
been laid over the text, as an indication of, perhaps, why this film was made.
The narrator mentions, though the audience does not see, that Amleth’s father
Orvendil came to Amleth as a ghost, which does not happen in the <i>Gesta Danorum</i>. The action of the film
also ends at the point when Amleth is revenged on his uncle, suggesting that
the Shakespeare narrative governs the start and end point of this
interpretation of Saxo. Perhaps most tellingly, the narrator says that “it was
his son Amleth who will be remembered.” We do not have to think of Saxo
Grammaticus when we read or watch Shakespeare, but we must think of Shakespeare
when we read or watch Saxo Grammaticus. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Neither texts
are acceptable history to modern historians, but neither are either removed
entirely from history. Both texts together make us think of history, because
Saxo Grammaticus comes up when we are trying to locate sources for Shakespeare,
and so lends historical weight to Shakespeare’s narrative. <i>Hamlet</i> is not considered a historical text in the same way that the
tetralogies are, though all are works of fiction, but it has coloured the
popular interpretation of any historical Amleth that may have lived, as well as
real locations in Denmark. Saxo Grammaticus says “there is a plain in Jutland
famous as [Amleth’s] burial place and named after him” (101). Hansen states
that there was either a medieval tradition associating Ammelhede with Amleth,
or that a succession of eytmologists have made the association (Hansen 145).
However, it is at Elsinore, in Zealand, not Jutland, where this tale, and at
times a supposed ‘historical’ personage, have been commemorated. Starting in
the eighteenth century, tourists came to Elsinore, modern Danish Helsingør,
because of its association with the play. Hansen jokes that “some tourists were
inevitably disappointed to discover in Elsinore a castle that was too recent
for Hamlet’s time, but others cheerfully began to remake Elsinore to fit their
expectations” (Hansen 90). According to Hansen, it was in the nineteenth
century that businessmen tried to profit from Elsinore as the ‘actual’ burial
place of the ‘actual’ Hamlet (Hansen 90). Though it is no longer necessarily
associated with a ‘historical’ Hamlet, the first sentence on Denmark’s tourism
website about Helsingør states “in Helsingør lies Kronborg Castle, made famous
as Elsinore in Shakespeare’s <i>Hamlet</i>”
(Denmark.dk). Shakespeare’s mark lies over our interpretation of Danish medieval
history, as well as Danish landscape. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto;">
<span lang="EN-US"> As Davidson
says, it is “no longer in fashion” to identify literary characters with
historical figures (Davidson 68). And yet, our interpretations are influenced
by the interpretations of older historians and literary critics who did find it
fashionable. As Perry and Watkins point out<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">if every medieval
biographer and historian knows that Shakespeare got it wrong, they still talk
about him as if his fictions not only prompted their investigations but somehow
continue to authorize them in the minds of the reading public (Perry and
Watkins 1).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">This is not a medievalist text like <i>Henry V</i> or <i>Richard III</i>,
in that it adapts a medieval historical event for dramatic purposes. Perhaps it
is more medieval, because it is an adaptation of a medieval tale, inheriting
the medieval themes from the original telling, even when the medieval history
is removed, whereas the tetralogies are more original constructions. <i>Hamlet, Prince of Denmark</i> and <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, discuss the relationship between
king and state and conclude that the king is the state, and vice versa. Amleth
must root out what is rotten in the state of Denmark as much as Hamlet must,
though for both that means different things.
Shakespeare roots Amleth in our mind as Hamlet as surely as he roots the
characters of the medieval English kings into the introductions of history
books.</span></div>
<w:sdt docparttype="Bibliographies" docpartunique="t" id="236364994" sdtdocpart="t">
<h1>
<span lang="EN-US">Bibliography<o:p></o:p></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11.0pt; font-weight: normal; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><w:sdtpr></w:sdtpr></span></h1>
<w:sdt bibliography="t" id="111145805">
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<!--[if supportFields]><span
lang=EN-US><span style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>BIBLIOGRAPHY <span style='mso-element:field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span lang="EN-US">Davidson, Hilda Ellis.
"Introduction." <i>The History of the Danes Books I-IX</i>.
Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1996. 1-14. Print.<o:p></o:p><w:sdtpr></w:sdtpr></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Duffy, Robert A. "Gade, Olivier,
Richardson: Visual Strategy in Hamlet Adaptation." <i>Literature/Film
Quarterly</i> 4.2 (Spring 1976): 141-152. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Edwards, Philip.
"Introduction." <i>Hamlet, Prince of Denmark</i>. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2003. 1-71. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Grammaticus,
Saxo. - approximately 1204. Saxonis Grammatici Gesta Danorum. Strassburg:
K.J. Trübner, 1886.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Grammaticus, Saxo. <i>The History of the
Danes Book I-IX</i>. Ed. Hilda Ellis Davidson. Trans. Peter Fisher.
Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1996. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">Hamlet</span></i><span lang="EN-US">. Dir. Michael Almereyda. Perf. Ethan Hawke. 2000.
Netflix.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Hapgood, Robert. "Recent stage,
film, and critical interpretations." <i>Hamlet, Prince of Denmark</i>.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. 72-82. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Ministry of Foreign Affairs. "Helsingør."
2013. <i>Denmark DK: The Official Website of Denmark.</i> Web. 13 April 2013.
<http: denmark.dk="" en="" helsingoer="" map-of-denmark="" quick-facts="">.<o:p></o:p></http:></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Perry, Curtis and John Watkins.
"Introduction." <i>Shakespeare and the Middle Ages</i>. New York:
Oxford University Press, 2009. 1-20. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Perry, Curtis. "'For They Are
Englishmen': National Identities and the Early Modern Drama of Medieval
Conquest." <i>Shakespeare and the Middle Ages</i>. New York: Oxford
University Press, 2009. 172-198. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">Royal Deceit </span></i><span lang="EN-US">. Dir. Gabriel Axel. Perf. Christian Bale. 1994.
Netflix.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Shakespeare, William. <i>Hamlet, Prince
of Denmark</i>. Ed. Philip Edwards. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2003.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Sjögren, Gunnar. "The Geography of
Hamlet." <i>Shakespeare and Scandinavia: a collection of Nordic studies</i>.
Mississauga: Associated University Presses, 2002. 64-71. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Sorelius, Gunnar.
"Introduction." <i>Shakespeare and Scandinavia: a collection of
Nordic studies</i>. Mississauga: Associated University Presses, 2002. 9-11.
Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Srigley, Michael. "'Heavy-headed
revel east and west': Hamlet and Christian IV of Denmark." <i>Shakespeare
and Scandinavia: a collection of Nordic studies</i>. Mississauga: Associated
Universities Presses, 2002. 168-192. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Welsh, Alexander. <i>Hamlet and his
Modern Guises</i>. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001. Print.</span></div>
</w:sdt></w:sdt>Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-80263651322819271422013-05-21T16:04:00.000-07:002013-05-21T16:04:34.245-07:00Scyldings, Scioldungs and Skjöldungs: Royal authority and the legendary Danish kings<br />
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The
<i>Gesta Danorum</i>, <i>Hrólfs saga kraka</i> and<i> Beowulf</i>
are three historical analogues; each describes the Danish court of the
Scyldings/Scioldungs/ Skjöldungs and the rule of Hroðgar/Roe/ Hróarr and his
nephew Hroþulfr/Roluo/Hrólfr. Much of the action of <i>Beowulf </i>takes place at Hroðgar’s court, the second half of Book II
of the <i>Gesta Danorum</i> tells the story
of Roluo Krage<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206100/Scyldings,%20Scioldungs%20and%20Skjoldungs.docx#_edn1" name="_ednref1" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[i]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
his family and his court and <i>Hrólfs saga
kraka</i> tells a version of the same story. The three texts are separated by
time, geography, language and genre. Therefore the courts and the ideology of
kingship depicted in all three texts differ vastly from each other, despite the
common subject matter. Kingship is an important theme to all three, and each
explores in depth what it is to be a good king. That there is this tradition of
using this Danish royal line to explore kingship demonstrates the importance of
lineage and family to kingship for all three authors. The texts do not
exclusively see lineage as what makes a king worthy to rule; instead all three
texts are engaged in active negotiations about where the authority of the king
is derived from. Does it come from below, bestowed on the king by the people;
from within, rule belonging to people who possess kingly virtues; or from
above, bestowed on the king by God, by fate and by the rights of his lineage.
No text depicts kingship as derived from only one of these sources, nor are the
three sources of authority always clearly demarcated, as for instance it is not
always clear whether the kingly virtues are an innate trait of the person or
are bestowed on them by their lineage or God. And all three texts negotiate the
balance of sources of kingly authority differently depending on the age,
geography, language and genre of the text. But the very use of the legendary
Danish court privileges kingly authority that is bestowed on the king from sources
that come from above, specifically from family. Due to the legendary nature of
the kings, tales of the Danish court are both historical enough to allow
discussion of contemporary kingship to enter the depictions and to be
politically relevant to courtly audiences, and are distant enough from their
contemporaries to allow aspects of the ideology to be symbolic. Therefore, the
Scylding/Scioldung/Skjöldung court is a politically and literarily expedient
setting for teasing out issues of royal authority, although the very subject
matter implies a familial distribution of power. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i><u><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Beowulf<o:p></o:p></span></u></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Hwæt, wē Gār-Dena in geārdagum,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">þēodcyninga þrym ġefrūnon, <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">hū ðā æþelingas ellen fremedon.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">Listen! We have
heard of the glory in bygone days<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">of the folk-kings
of the spear-Danes,<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">how those noble
lords did lofty deeds.</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> (1-3)<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206100/Scyldings,%20Scioldungs%20and%20Skjoldungs.docx#_edn2" name="_ednref2" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[ii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The implication of these opening lines
is, first, that the audience is interested in a tale about Danish kings, and
second, that tales of Danish kings are familiar to them. Beowulf, leader of the
Geats, may be the protagonist, but the opening lines proclaim that this is a
poem about the Danish kings. And the use of <i>þēodcyninga</i>,
despite its metrical and alliterative significance, is not without meaning for
the source of a king’s authority to rule. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Knowledge of the Scyldings comes from
sources, such as those analyzed here, which detail a historic/legendary past.
Locating the Scyldings in a real past will only reveal so much about these
texts because the point of having this legendary setting was to have a tale
that was set off from the present by posterity. Peter Clemoes, examining
kingship in Beowulf, has pointed out that the Danish kings had glory by “common
repute” and that “these Danish kings had given their people the kind of
fighting leadership which Anglo-Saxons wanted their own rulers to exert”
(Clemoes 4). The introduction to the fourth edition of Klaeber’s Beowulf points
out that attempts to root the text of Beowulf, and consequently the analogus
Scandinavian texts, in real world events brings up the question of objectivity
(Klaeber li). But a modern audience appreciates context differently from the
Anglo-Saxons, thirteenth century Danes or fourteenth century Icelanders.
Explaining what we know about the history of the Scylding/Scioldung/Skjöldung
court helps place the tradition that these texts were drawing on into our own
conception of the European timeline. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The editors of Klaeber indicate that
while identification of Hygelac with Chlochilaicus, and the grounding of the
Frisian raids in a historical text that gives a date, has placed the time of
Hroðgar and the Scyldings to around the year 521 C.E., that correlation has also
recently been questioned (Swanton 84, Klaeber li). However, this gives us a
time frame to work with. This time has also been labeled the Migration Age,
when Germanic tribes were carrying their language and political customs across
Europe. Likewise, it is the Heroic Age, because of the heroic material it
creates for later literary productions, such as <i>Beowulf</i>. The historical
analogues have also made a solid case that the location of the Scylding court, Heorot
in Beowulf, “corresponds to the ON Hleiðr (Hleiðargarðr, Lat. Lethra) of Scandinavian
fame” (Klaeber lviii). This is probably modern Danish Lejre, and archeologists
excavated a Viking Age (though not Migration Age) hall there in the 1940s
(Byock xviii). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">According to Paul Acker, while a
description of the Danish dynasty was an odd way to open a great national epic,
“from Anglo-Saxon genealogies, however, we learn that Alfred the Great (r.
871-899) was (purportedly) descended from these very kings, Beow, Scyld, and
Scef” (Acker 3). Therefore tales of the
Danish court carry extra political significance for Anglo-Saxon identity and
for Anglo-Saxon kingly identity. Even if Beowulf was not composed for a courtly
audience, the opening lines of the poem suggest a narrative tradition that
makes the setting particularly relevant to Anglo-Saxon audiences, regardless of
when the poem was composed. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The
Scylding dynasty descends from Scyld Scefing, the description of whom follows
the poem’s opening lines:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Oft Scyld Scēfing sceaþena þrēatum.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">monegum mǣġþum meodosetla oftēah,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">eġsode eorl[as], syððan ǣrest wearð<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">fēasceaft funden. Hē þæs frōfre ġebād:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">wēox under wolcnum, weorðmyndum þāh,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">oð þæt him ǣġhwylċ þāra ymbsittendra<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">ofer hronrāde hȳran scolde, <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">gomban ġyldan. Þæt was gōd cyning.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">Often Scyld Scefing
seized the mead benches<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">from many tribes,
troops of enemies,<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">struck fear into
earls. Though he first was <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">found a waif, he
awaited solace for that – <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">he grew under
heaven and prospered in honor<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US"> until every one of the encircling nations <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">over the
whale’s-riding had to obey him,<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">grant him tribute.
That was a good king!</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> (4-11) <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US">This description
of Scyld sets up, right away, what it means to be a good king. His strength as
a military leader allowed him to subdue enemy nations, to get tribute and to
make his power felt over a large group of people. Despite the fact that people
did not believe he possessed sufficient character for it, he proved them wrong.
After Scyld Scefing comes Beowulf (not that Beowulf), Healfdene and then his
sons Heorogar, Hrothgar and Halga the Good. Hroðgar is the most important
Scylding in the text, though it is interesting that Halga is Halga the Good,
since he will be more prominent in the Scandinavian analogues. We know
Hroðgar’s sons and nephew Hroþulf will succeed him, though it is alluded to and
not mentioned. But they are not the
only kings. There are Geats as well as Swedes in this Scandinavian monarchical
stew. It is truly a tale of kings. But where do Scyld and the other kings get
their power from? Not how do they exercise their power, or who are the perfect
exempla of kingship, but how, in the text is the office of king constructed?
What sources supply the king’s authority over his people?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<u><span lang="EN-US">From below<o:p></o:p></span></u></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Clemoes, looking at the different
synonyms for king in Beowulf, demonstrates that: “from an institutional point
of view kings in <i>Beowulf </i>were
regularly rulers of peoples (not countries), as conveyed by the generic
compound noun <i>þeodcyning</i>, ‘ruler of
the people’ (2a and six (or seven) other places), and less often by <i>fold</i>- and <i>leodcyning</i>, and as expressed by the simplex <i>þeoden</i>, ‘leader of a people’, nearly forty times” (Clemoes 4-5).
The importance of the people to the rule of the king is emphasized in <i>Beowulf</i>. Levin Shuking also noted that
the popularity and good relations of the people and the king runs through the
entirety of the poem (Shuking 41). Hroðgar is repeatly called the ’protector of
the Scyldings,’ which is a prime element of his role as king. The synonym for
king could be construed as ironic, as Hroðgar can’t seem to protect his people,
but that is not the sentiment expressed when Beowulf promises to fight the dragon: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Hæfde kyningwuldor<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Grendle tōġēanes, swā guman ġefrungon,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">seleweard āseted; sundornytte behēold<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">ymb aldor Dena, eotonweard’ ābēad<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">The glorious king <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">had set against
Grendel a hall-guardian, <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">as men had heard said
, who did special service<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">for the king of
the Danes, kept a giant watch</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> (665-668).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">In this context Beowulf is an extension of Hroðgar’s
might. Hroðgar’s protection of his people comes from his ability to attract a
suitable hero, which does not necessarily lessen his worth as a protector. Shuking
and D.H. Green see power from below as an aspect of tribal Germanic customs,
where election occurred, and where the will of the people was an important
determining factor in who would lead. Hroðgar alludes to the people’s ability
to bestow power when he says to Beowulf that “Sǣ-Ġēatas sēlran næbben/ tō
ġeċēosenne cyning ǣniġne,/ hordweard hæleþa, ġyf þū healdan wylt/ māga rice”
the <i>Sea-Geats could not select a better
choice anywhere for king, hoard-guard of heroes, if you will hold the realm of
your kinsmen</i> (1845-1853). His role as protector of the people, and as
popular with the people is emphasized throughout the text and shows how this is
the source of a king’s power, from below. <i><o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The process of gift-giving and treasure
dispensing also demonstrates the importance of the people to the king’s power.
When he is dying Beowulf is glad for the “māðma hord” hoard of treasures because
“fremmað ġēna/ lēoda þearfe” <i>they will
attend to the needs of the people</i> (2800-1). This indicates that the choice
of king is important to the people, because it helps determine the wealth of
the nation and of individuals. Gift-giving ensures martial might. Wiglaf
rebukes his companions because they have forgotten Beowulf’s generous gifts to
them, so he deserves their help in his fight with the dragon. Beowulf also
gives his treasure to his king, as a sign of fealty, indicating that the king
gets his economic might from his followers as well. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Synonyms for Danes, Geats and Swedes
abound throughout the text. The people are very present all through<i> Beowulf</i>, and good kings are synonymous
with good people. Beowulf’s death will result in the decimation of the Geats: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">nu ys lēodum wēn<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">orleġhwīle, syððan under[ne]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Froncum ond Frȳsum fyll cyninges<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">wīde weorðeð<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">this folk may expect <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">a time of trouble, when this is manifest<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">to the Franks and Frisians, and the fall of our king<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">becomes widespread news</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> (2910-2913).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The people must choose a strong leader that can defend
them and provide for them, so they have a large stake in who becomes king. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<u><span lang="EN-US">From within<o:p></o:p></span></u></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Generosity, consequently, is a trait
that people look for in a king. It shows the source of authority comes from
below, from the people, but it also shows how important it is that kings
possess kingly traits. Without good qualities kings will not be able to rule,
or certainly not rule effectively. Greediness is the worst quality that a king
can possess. Heremod is set as the example of a bad king, who does not give out
rings to the Danes as he should. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">But courage is equally important. The
text is full of other terms for king, depicting them “<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">in
their active personal capacity as leaders of their close followers, their
comitatus: for example, <i>dryhten</i>
(formed in the same way as <i>þeoden</i>),
‘leader of a <i>dryht</i>, a troop of active
soldiers’, occurs fifteen times, and its compounds, <i>frea</i>-, <i>freo</i>-, <i>gum</i>-, <i>mon</i>-, <i>tige</i>- and <i>winedryhten</i>, were used twenty times
between them (Clemoes 5).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt 0.5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Scyld is certainly a good military leader, and Hroðgar
was. Hroðgar does not lack courage to face Grendel, but he does lack strength,
a deficit that is finally made up when Beowulf arrives. Celebrating Beowulf’s
victory, the people of the Danes comment that <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">moniġ oft ġecwæð<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">þætte sūð nē norð be sǣm twēonum<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">ofer eormengrund ōþer nǣniġ<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">under sweġles begong sēlra nǣre<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">rondhæbbendra, rīċes wyrðra. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Nē hiē hūru winedrihten with ne
logon,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">glædne Hrōðgār, ac þæt wæs gōd
cyning.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">it was often said<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">that south or north, between the two seas,<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US"> across the wide world, there was
none better under the sky’s expanse<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US"> among shield-warrior, nor
more worthy to rule – <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">though they found no fault with their own friendly lord,<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US"> gracious Hrothgar, but said
he was a good king.</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> (857-863) <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Hroðgar’s ability to protect the people makes him a good
king, though in this context Beowulf’s courage and martial strength are more
pronounced, a.k.a. he is exhibiting even more kingly traits than Hroðgar. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Beowulf may be missing part of what it
takes to be a good ruler. Leo Caruthers identifies Beowulf’s tragedy as the
inability to transition from being a hero to being a king (Caruthers 28).
Beowulf leaves no heir and leaves his people in ruin, suggesting a deficit in
some important kingly traits.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<u><span lang="EN-US">From above<o:p></o:p></span></u></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The personality of the king is
important may bring the support of the people, establishing the king’s power,
but it also manifests traits bestowed upon him from higher more authoritarian
sources from above. For instance, courage is a personal trait that can bring
fate on your side, though fate is playing a role in the outcome of your life:
“wyrd oft nereð/ unfǣġne eorl, þonne his ellen dēah!” <i>fate often spares an undoomed man, when his courage endures! </i>(572-3).
Courage here is a manifestation of wyrd’s decree. Wyrd, or aspects of fate,
control the destinies of men, which includes the destinies of kings. Beowulf makes
provisions for Hroðgar to distribute his belongings after his fight because “gǣð
ā wyrd swā hīo scel” <i>fate always goes as
it must</i> (455). Before the dragon fight, fate is no longer with Beowulf: “ac
unc [feohte] sceal/ weorðan æt wealle, swā unc wyrd ġetēoð/ metod manna ġehwæs<i>” but for us
it shall be at the wall as fate decrees, the Ruler of every man</i>
(2525-2527) Kevin Wanner sees fate as a Germanic quality, and that the dragon
fight is less influenced by the Christian God than earlier fights, partly
because of this importance of this earlier Germanic force (Wanner 5). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">However, at various points througout
the poem, God is the source of all authority. Even Heremod’s rule is ultimately
derived from God, even though he could not live up to the ideals of kingship,
to the personal characteristics that were necessary or to the ideals of the
people (Swanton 129). Swanton identifies the importance of the Christian
ideology of kingship to the strict stratification of the Anglo-Saxon society:
“the increasing association of regal authority with that of God results in a
proportionally increasing detachment of the king from his people; and society
subsequently hardens into this posture throughout all its ranks” (Swanton 72). There
are statements throughout the poem that describe God’s effect on the world,
including “sōð is ġecȳþed/ þæt mihtiġ God manna cynnes/ weold wīdeferhð”<i> it is a well-known truth that mighty God
has ruled mankind always and forever </i>(700-3)
and “wundor is tō secganne/ hū mihtiġ God manna cynne/ þurh sīdne sefan snyttru
bryttað,/ eard ond eorlscipe” <i>it is a
wonder to say how mighty God in His great spirit allots wisdom, land and
lordship to mankind</i> (1724-7), which both say largely the same thing about
the nature of God’s power in the world. Known as Hroðgar’s sermon, before
Beowulf sets out for home Hroðgar gives him a speech about how to be a good
king. According to Clemoes, <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">with
Hrothgar as his spokesman, the Beowulf poet brought to bear on traditional
personal rule commonplaces of Christian morality which were part of the actual
conduct of kingship in the eighth century. The poem and the practice both alike
drew on a corpus of didactic themes, images and techniques of expression which
was common to Latin and the vernacular (Clemoes 43). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt 0.5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">In some particularly difficult lines, Beowulf attributes
his current dragon miseries to some sort of covenant that has been broken with
God: wēnde se wīsa þæt hē wealdende/ ofer ealde riht, ēċean dryhtne/ bitre
ġebulge” <i>the wise one believed he had
bitterly offended the Ruler of all, the eternal Lord, against the old law</i>
(2327-2331). God gives authority and God takes it away. <i><o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> If
early Germanic kings did not have to pass the throne within the family, Beowulf
shows that in the Anglo-Saxon England when the poem was composed family was
important. Take, for instance, the problem of succession after Hygelac’s death:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">þǣr him Hyġd ġebēad hord ond rice,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">bēagas ond bregestōl; bearne ne
truwode, <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">þæt hē wið ælfylċum ēþelstolas<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">healdan cūðe, ðā wæs Hyġelāc dead.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Nō ðȳ ǣr fēasceafte findan meahton<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">æt ðām æðelinge æniġe ðinga<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">þæt hē Heardrēde hlāford wǣre,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">oððe þone cynedōm ċīosan wolde<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">Hygd offered [Beowulf] the hoard and kingdom,<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">rings and royal throne; she did not trust<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">that her son could hold the ancestral seat against <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">foreign hosts, now that Hygelac was dead.<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">But despite their misery, by no means<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">could they prevail upon that prince at all <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">that he should become lord over Heardred,<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<i><span lang="EN-US"> or
choose to rule the kingdom</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> (2369-2376). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The people want to confer power on him, and he has the
personal traits to be worthy of that power, but there is a matter of succession
that Beowulf gets honour by respecting. There is an explanation of kingship at
Beowulf’s death: “him wæs bām samod [Beowulf ond Wiglaf]/ on ðām lēodscipe lond
ġecynde,/ eard ēðelriht, ōðrum swīðor/ side rīċe þām ðǣr sēlra wæs” <i>both of them [Beowulf and Wiglaf] held
inherited land in that nation, a home and native rights, but the wider rule was
reserved to the one who was higher in rank</i> (2196-2199). This is somewhat
ambiguous, but it suggests a set nobility or hierarchy. Likewise, when Beowulf
is dying he expresses sadness that he has no son or heir, no one to pass his
war-gear on to. The link to the line of succession is made more explicit when
he tells Wiglaf that he must take over as “endelāf ūsses cynnes” <i>the last survivor of our lineage</i> (2813).
Family is so important a social dynamic that the poem reserves special
criticisms for people who commit violence against their kin. Beowulf offers
Unferth the ultimate insult: “þīnum brōðrum tō banan wurde,/ hēafodmǣgum; þæs
þū in helle scealt/ werhðo drēogan, þēah þīn wit duge” <i>you became your brother’s killer, your next of kin; for that you needs
must suffer punishment in hell, no matter how clever you are</i> (587-89). And
the poet refers more than once to the harm that will arise during the feud
between Hroðgar and Hroþulf: “þā cwōm Wealþēo forð/ gān under gyldnum bēage þǣr
þā gōdan twēgen/ sǣton suhterġefædran; þā ġȳt wæs hiera sib ætgædere” <i>Wealtheow came forth/ in her golden crown to
where the good two/ sat, nephew and uncle; their peace was still whole for them</i>
(1162-1165.) People are named by their relations; Hroðgar is the son of
Healfdene, and Beowulf the son of Ecgþeow. Family is a source of authority for
kings. Their courage and honour show they are from worthy families, and kinship
ties are how they give themselves identity. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Compare the description of the bad king
Heremod to the good king Scyld mentioned above:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">hine sorhwylmas<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">lemedon tō lange; hē his lēodum wearð<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">eallum æþellingum tō aldorċeare;<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">swylċe oft bemearn ǣrran mǣlum<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">swiðferhþes sið snotor ċeorl moniġ<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">sē þe him bealwa tō bōte ġelȳfde, <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">þæt þæt ðēodnes bearn ġeþēon scole,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">fæderæþelum onfōn, folc ġehealdan,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">hord ond hlēoburh, hæleþa rice,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">ēþel Scyldinga<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">the surging of cares<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">had crippled him too long; he became a deadly burden<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">to his own people, to all noblemen;<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">for many a wise man had mourned<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">in earlier times over his headstrong ways<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">who had looked to him for relief from affliction,<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">hoped that the prince’s son would prosper, <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">receive his father’s rank, rule his people<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">hoard and fortress, a kingdom of heroes,<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">the Scylding homeland</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> (904-915).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The people no longer approve of him, so he loses power,
and the poem mentions that he becomes an exile. He fails as a protector and a
dispenser of treasure. This means, also, that he is greedy and also that he
does not possess the intellectual prowess to be a king. The people hoped that
he would be made a good king, because of his good descent, but he fails to live
up to his family’s legacy and to God’s wish: “ðēah þe hine mihtiġ God mæġenes
wynnum/ eafeþum stēpte ofer ealle men,/ forð ġefremede, hwæþere him on ferhþe
grēow/ brēosthord blōdrēow, nallas bēagas ġeaf” <i>though mighty God exalted him in the joys of strength and force,
advanced him far over all men, yet in his heart he nursed a blood-ravenous
breast-hoard, no rings did he give</i> (1716-9). In the ideology of kingship
put forth in <i>Beowulf</i>, it is
interesting that Heremod is mentioned without any reference to his family,
whereas Scyld, the good king, becomes the namesake of a whole dynasty. Beowulf
negotiates kingly authority as derived from below, within and from above - from
the people, from the person of the king and from wyrd, God and kinship
ties. God and the people, the ultimate
source from above and from below, play a greater role in making kings here than
in the other analogues, but kinship remains a deciding factor in all three texts.
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i><u><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Gesta Danorum<o:p></o:p></span></u></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The genre of <i>Gesta Danorum</i> is very difficult to define. In the introduction to
Hilda Ellis Davidson and Peter Fisher’s 1980 translation of Books I-IX,
Davidson identifies this work as worthy of study by both Latinists and Old
Norse scholars (Davidson 9).According to Davidson, there was a trend in
post-conversion countries to look back to their ancient past and to commemorate
their history in the Roman manner (Davidson 1-2). Stefanie Würth notices a
similar trend, an emergence of historiography on the continent in the eleventh
century. (Würth 156). Attempting to define this particular genre in Old Norse
literature, Würth points out that “since all Old Norse literature is
characterized by a certain interest in history, it is very difficult to define
historiography as a genre.” (Würth 156) Nevertheless, works such as <i>Historia norvegia</i>, <i>Islendingabók</i> and <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, each of which try and
summarize the history of a people, fit into this category. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">But it is not history as we understand
it. Scholars debate whether the later books of the <i>Gesta Danorum</i> are historical, but often dismissed the history of
the first half of the work because they are filled with legendary figures and
mythical elements (Davidson 1). For instance, in Book II Frothi begins his
kingship by replenishing his kingdom’s coffers with a dragon’s gold. This, and
Saxo’s Latin style, have been subjects of scholarly derision (Davidson 2).
However, scholars such as G. Dumézil have shown how instead of a haphazard
collection of stories, Saxo’s work is an accumulation of the legends attributed
to these Danish kings and K. Johannesson, through in depth analysis, has
established the “deliberate intention on Saxo’s part to describe the past in
such a way as to give his own picture of the world, and in particular of the
way in which a nation should be governed.” (Davidson 7-8) By looking at Books
1-4 as each expressing a cardinal virtue of kingship –fortitude, liberality,
prudence and temperance – Davidson asserts that the unifying theme of the book
is “the kind of power which a king should strive for, and the responsibilities
he must accept if he is to rule aright, and also in the composition of a modern
Christian state, where the power of the bishops presented a new factor”
(Davidson 6).The <i>Gesta Danorum</i> is
more recognizable to us as history, a conscious collection of stories about the
past, than <i>Beowulf</i>. Yet it is more
like <i>Beowulf</i> than traditional
history, as the stories are configured by Saxo for his own purposes. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Even if we accept the latest possible
date for the composition of <i>Beowulf</i>
in the eleventh century, the <i>Gesta
Danorum</i> is separated by several hundred years, and likely more than that.
Saxo wrote the <i>Gesta Danorum</i> over
many years, and not in chronological order. According to his preface, Saxo was still
writing after his patron Absalon, who had charged him with this task, had died,
which external sources date to 1202 (Davidson 12). And we know much more about
Saxo than we do about the <i>Beowulf</i>
poet, though it is still not clear whether he was a monk or a learned, more secular
man serving as a secretary to Absalon (Davidson 10). There are sixteen books of
the <i>Gesta Danorum</i> altogether, but
Books I and II are the texts which are historical analogues with <i>Beowulf </i>and <i>Hrólfs saga kraka</i>. Of the three, this is the only text that comes
out of Denmark. It is more obvious why he would choose the Danish court as his
setting. In the preface Saxo sets up both the tradition that this work falls
into and the reason he undertook it: “cum cetere naciones rerum suarum titulis
gloriari, uoluptatemque ex maiorum recordacione percipere soleant, Danorum
maximus pontifex Absalon patriam nostrum, cuius illustrande maxima semper” <i>because other nations are in the habit of
vaunting the fame of their achievements, and joy in recollecting their ancestors,
Absalon, Archbishop of Denmark, had always been fired with a passionate zeal to
glorify our fatherland</i> (1).<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"> <a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206100/Scyldings,%20Scioldungs%20and%20Skjoldungs.docx#_edn3" name="_ednref3" title=""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[iii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></a></span>
That the glorification of the Danish
country means the glorification of the Danish kings is interesting because, unlike
in Beowulf where the king is a protector of the people, the first among a
group, here the king is a synonym for the people. The role of the king within
the society is different, due no doubt to a combination of different influences
in the different geographical locations, different traditions as well as a
change in philosophy over time. The kings are the same kings, but the kingship
depicted differs. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<u><span lang="EN-US">From below<o:p></o:p></span></u></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">In the first two books, when describing
the governance of the ancient Danish people, more than once Saxo points out the
interesting, now discarded customs of their ancestors. One such instance,
occurs in Book I, where, after Dan and Angul die, it seems that by descent both
Humbli and Lother have a claim to the throne. Saxo states that “lecture regem
ueteres affixis homo saxis insistore, suffragisque promere consueurant,
subiectorum lapidum firmitate facti constanciam omniaturi” <i>when they were to choose a king it was our forebears’ custom to
proclaim their votes while standing on stones fixed in the ground, as though to
augur the durability of their action through the firmness of the rocks beneath
them </i>(10-1). The firmness of their choice is symbolized by the rocks. But
the sequence of events shows that the firmness is symbolic, not real, since
Lotherus takes the kingdom from Humbli, the elected king, by force. Election is
not then mentioned afterwards. The text suggests that the king’s authority was
in part derived from the people, but that martial prowess and other factors are
more important in determining the legitimacy of the ruler. Lotherus, the bad king, who had genealogy but
had not inherited the proper kingly virtues, is removed from power: “nec diu
scelerum impunitus, patrie consternacione perimitur, eadem spiritum eripiente,
que regnum largita fuerat” <i>nor did he
remain long unpunished for his enormities he perished in a mutiny of the
nation, which snatched away his life as it had formerly bestowed the kingdom</i>
(11). The people, then, have the power to remove a king, to take away his
authority to rule. And while, in <i>Beowulf</i>
the conflicts are between peoples, for instance between the Geats and the
Swedes, in the <i>Gesta Danorum</i>
conflicts are between kings and queens, and often between family members. The
king’s authority, in this tale of kings, does not ultimately derive from the
people, though vestiges of that source of power remains. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<u><span lang="EN-US">From within<o:p></o:p></span></u></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Kingly authority comes more from within
the person of the king. After Gram and Halding comes Frothi, whose biography
takes up the first half of Book II. Frothi’s sons are Roe, Skat and Haldan. Haldan
is another bad king, who, once he eliminates his brothers, rules for the rest
of his life in a rather uneventful reign, much to Saxo’s surprise: “cuius ex eo
maxime fortuna ammirabilis fuit; quod, licet omnia temporum momenta ad
exorcenda atrocitatis officia contulisset senectute” <i>from that time onwards his good fortune was quite amazing; though, he
devoted the whole of his time to committing atrocities he died of old age
without being stabbed </i>(50). Haldan’s sons Helgi and Roe bring us up to the
action in <i>Beowulf</i>. Unlike in <i>Beowulf</i>, Roe (Hroðgar) has a very
minimal role in this text. The most exciting thing about him is that he “Roskildia
condita memoratur, quam post modum Sueno, furcate barbe cognomento clarus,
ciuibus auxit, amplitudine propagauit”<i> is
remembered for his foundation of Roskilde, whose population was enlarged and
increased later by Sven, well-known for his epithet of Forkbeard</i> (51). Again, it is tempting to see traces of Heorot
from <i>Beowulf</i> here, but we cannot
without more evidence. No stories are told about Roe specifically, and he dies
in an engagement with his nephew, the Swedish king Hothobard. Helgi, however,
is interesting because he presents a paradox of kingship. He possesses some of
the virtues necessary for a king, including boldness and martial prowess: “maris
possessionem sortitus, regem Sclauie Scalcum maritimis copiis lacessitum
oppressit” <i>he obtained sway over the sea
and with his navy attacked and subjugated Scalcus, king of Slavia</i> (51).
Military might, and particularly military agressiveness is an important kingly
trait established in the preface since the contemporary king Valdemar II was
also expanding his territory; Saxo praises him for this. However, Helgi also
commits some terrible crimes. First, he marries his daughter, who was conceived
through rape. However, this is not his ultimate sin according to Saxo: “siquidem
genitus ex Vrsa Rolpho ortus sui infamiam conspicuis probitatis operibus
redemit” <i>for Yrsa’s son Roluo rescued his
birth from discredit by striking and meritorious deeds </i>(52). Instead, Helgi
is punished for not allowing the Swedes, after a battle, to seek compensation
for their losses. For this Helgi banishes himself and dies, Saxo implies, by
suicide. By not espousing kingly virtues, Helgi was not fit for kingship,
though Roluo, his son, is a king that is awarded a lot of power because of his
actions and kingly virtues. At the end of Book II Saxo summarizes kingship, and
moralizes about the death of King Hiarvarth, who died because of his killing of
Roluo and his champions: “fraudulanter enim quesite res eadem sorte defluunt,
qua petuntur, nullusque diuturnius est fructus, qui scelere ac fidia partus
fuerit” <i>whatever is obtained deceitfully
melts away under the same conditions as men seek it by; no success is
long-lived which has been won through crime and dishonesty </i>(64). Kings gain
authority by finding that kingly virtue inside themselves. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<u><span lang="EN-US">From above<o:p></o:p></span></u></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Saxo
calls Helgi’s sleeping with his daughter a sin, but that is the closest the
Christian God gets to making an appearance in the first two books of the <i>Gesta Danorum</i>. Nor is that what makes
him unfit to rule. Thor is mentioned once, as the only thing that Regner, a
prince and then king of Sweden, thinks is worth fearing, but Thor doesn’t
convey authority to Regner to be king. Saxo says that Haldan stays on the
throne because of his fortunes, and this is the largest presence of an ethereal
force contributing to someone’s right to rule in this part of the text. God,
gods and fate do not play the same role in kingship that they do in <i>Beowulf</i>, they do not grant authority to
rule from above. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">However, family is the most important kingly
feature. Consider how family ties change the political landscape. To save
himself and consequently his kingdom Andvan gives his daughter to Frothi.
Andvan’s argument is that Frothi cannot both humiliate him and take his
daughter because of the new ties of kinship they are establishing. Frothi’s
sister Ulvild is treacherous and incites one husband to treachery, but Frothi
forgives him for being a dupe and her because she is family. He marries her to
a second suitor, Skotti, who turns into the most fruitful ally when Frothi is
raiding in Britain because of kinship ties. Although all brothers seem to be
equally legitimate choices for the throne in these first books, Saxo has harsh
words to say about people such as Haldan, who betrayed his kin, who “naturam
scelere polluit” <i>contaminated his nature
with brutality </i>(51). The description
of Scioldus also shows that personality traits are inherited: “naturam ab ipso,
non mores sortitus, per summam tenerioris etatis industriam cuncta paterne contagionis
uestigia ingenitis erroris deuio preteribat. Igitur, ut a paternis uiciis
prudenter desciuit” <i>inheriting [Lother’s]
natural bent but not his habits, by the utmost perseverance during his youth
made an instinctive detour, so that he bypassed all the traces of his father’s
infection” by the excellence of his grandfather</i> (11). Therefore, family is
important to his kingship, not just for lineage but because they pass down
kingly virtues. Dan, the first Danish king, is a good king, but he is not very
important in Book I. The kings that are more important are ones that already
have genealogy, like Scioldus, but even more his son Gram and Gram’s son
Haldingus. In this historical analogue family is the most important source for
kingly authority. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> But
this is the <i>Gesta Danorum</i>’s raison d’être.
Scholars discover Saxo’s goal of representing the qualities of good and bad
kingship only through analysis. Saxo’s goal, according to his preface, is to
create the list of kings which will honour his country and his monarch. Saxo means to praise Valdemar II’s lineage, which
is therefore an important part of the contemporary kingship of Denmark and the
other countries which employ this type of literary, historiographical genre.
Denmark’s king must have lineage to give the king power and help set Voldemarus
II in context with the other European kings. This is why it is politically
expedient to set this tale of kingship in the ancient courts of Denmark, though
unlike the other texts examined here, it is not limited to that court, but
applies that same theory to every other Danish court up until Valdemar’s time. Since
the traditions of that court is known, this text could hardly be written
without reference to the Scioldungs. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Scioldus, “quindecim annos natus,
inusitato corporis increment perfectissimum humani roboris specimen preferebat,
tatntaque indolis eius experimenta fuere, u tab ipso ceteri Danorum reges
communi quodam uocabulo Scioldungi nuncuparentur” <i>already at fifteen had grown to such a stature that he presented a
perfect specimen of manhood, and so forceful were the proofs of his talent that
the other Danish kings assumed from him the common title of Scioldungs</i>
(11). Because he is the progenitor of the Scioldungs, Scioldus, like Scyld in<i> Beowulf</i> is given a special description,
telling us what it is to be a good king. Scioldus’s father Lother was a bad
king, though his faults are vaguely attributed to <i>scelera</i> or ‘crimes’ (11). However, good nature is not entirely
inherited as Lotherus’s example proves. Scioldus is described as good looking,
strong and very bold, attributes which he both inherits and has to manifest to
be granted the authority of kingship. The king’s authority, therefore, comes
from above, as in from his family, and from within. Unlike <i>Beowulf</i>, the king’s authority comes less from below, and,
ultimately, less from above if we consider how little both God and fate play a
role in kingship. However, authority comes down to the king from family and it
is kept and expanded by kings who possess kingly virtues. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i><u><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Hrólfs saga kraka<o:p></o:p></span></u></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The material in <i>Hrólfs saga kraka</i> bears a very remarkable resemblance to the
material in the <i>Gesta Danorum</i>,
suggesting the historical sources have a much closer textual relationship
between these two texts than between either of these texts and <i>Beowulf</i>. However, this is where it
becomes tricky, and the three texts status as analogues and not sources for one
another must be re-enforced. A great deal of the scholarship for <i>Hrólfs saga kraka</i> has focused on its
status as an analogue of Beowulf. The character of Böðvarr in particular bears
resemblance to Beowulf, and both bear resemblance to the Bear’s Son folktale
motif. In his introduction to his translation of the text Jesse L. Byock
summarizes the scholarship: both their names, Böðvarr and Beowulf, can mean
bear; they both come from the land of the OE Geatas/ ON Gautar; they both
travel across the sea to the Danish court and both come as land cleansers
(Byock xxv). Less is said of the <i>Gesta
Danorum</i>’s connection as an analogue of this kind, save that if the same
tradition informs both <i>Gesta Danorum</i>
and <i>Hrólfs saga</i>, that tradition may
be an analogue of <i>Beowulf</i>. The connection between the sources for the <i>Gesta Danorum</i> and <i>Hrólfs saga</i> may be Icelandic, as Saxo expresses his indebtedness to
Icelandic sources for his text in the preface. Other Icelandic analogues
include the mentions in the <i>Prose Edda</i>,
<i>Ynglinga Saga</i> and the no longer
extant <i>Skjöldunga saga</i>, the tradition
of which is mentioned in <i>Ynglinga saga</i>,
and preserved in a sort of Latin abstract by Arngrímur Jónsson in the second
half of the sixteenth century (Acker 4). Torfi Tulinius’s summary of the
fornaldarsögur places the composition of <i>Hrólfs
saga</i> around 1400 (Tulinius 459). Ármann Jakobsson says, more specifically,
that it was “certainly in vogue in the early thirteenth century. The saga was,
thus, very probably originally composed no later than the fourteenth or early
fifteenth century.” (Jakobsson 140) <i>Hrólfs
saga</i> is written approximately 150 years after the <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, and the tradition has changed, even if it had its
preservation in Iceland, which can in no way be proved.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">While the two latter texts, compared to
<i>Beowulf</i>, share a lot more in their
narratives of the Scioldung/Skjöldung court, they differ on many key points. In
<i>Gesta Danorum</i> Bjarki does kill a
bear, but doesn’t descend from a bear. Nor does he take on a bear’s form in
Roluo’s last fight against Skuld and her husband. In <i>Hrólfs saga</i> Böðvarr Bjarki has a much larger role in the narrative,
in part because the composer is less constrained to stick to just the story of
the kings and to progress to the next in the Danish succession, but for many
other reasons that include the possibility of difference in sources and the alteration
of the tradition over time. As mentioned earlier, Saxo has had no reason to
shrink away from the fantastic. And the succession of the dynasty is different,
just as it was different in <i>Beowulf</i>
and in the <i>Gesta Danorum</i>. Haldan, son
of Frothi, was the killer of his brothers in the <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, but in <i>Hrólfs
saga</i> Halfdan is killed by his brother Frodi. But in both cases
Haldan/Halfdan is the father of Roe/Hrórr and Helgi. In Beowulf Hroðgar /Roe/Hróarr
is the most important Scylding/Scioldung/Skjöldung, while <i>Gesta Danorum</i> and <i>Hrólfs saga</i>
feature Helgi and his son Hroþulf/Roluo/ Hrólfr most prominently. The function
of the narratives, and the sources of kingly authority, share many
similarities, and are also very different. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">As one of the fornaldarsögur, one of
the twenty-five full Icelandic sagas and
eight fragments about a legendary or mythical-heroic past, <i>Hrólfs
saga kraka</i> is an entertaining tale, whose legendary characters are given
more meaning through their foundation in well-known tales and legendary past
kings (Tulinius 448). Its popularity is evidenced by the thirty-eight
manuscripts that survive, although none of them are from earlier than the
seventeenth century (Jakobsson 139). As compared to other genres, This is not
entirely unlike the function of the first nine books of the <i>Gesta Danorum</i>, except that based on
Saxo’s preface we know that his point is also specifically to glorify the past
(and through the past, the present kings and people). We have no such
declaration or assumptions <i>about Hrólfs
saga kraka</i>. Tulinius laments that “the historical value of <i>fornaldarsögur</i> is practically
non-existent, and the limit to which they can be studied as carriers of a
tradition older than themselves has probably already been reached” (Tulinius
459). But <i>Hrólfs saga kraka</i> defies
the genre categories because of its obvious reference to a real historical
tradition. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">According to Ármann Jakobsson the
depiction of the king in <i>Hrólfs saga
kraka</i> is wrapped up in its genre, even though it is hard to define. It is
related to the <i>konungasōgur</i>, or kings’
sagas, and is classified as a <i>fornaldarsögur</i>,
but the saga is indebted to the continental romances, including those that were
being translated into Old Norse, or those that were written in Iceland based on
the continental tradition. Jakobsson recognizes both courtly language, and sees
in the description of Hrólfr’s champions, parallels to the list of knights at
Charlemagne’s and Arthur’s courts. And this courtly idea helps influence the
idea of kingship: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Hrólfr
is thus right from the beginning depicted coming close to embodying the ideal
of an almost perfect king. <i>Hrólfs saga</i>,
like Norwegian and Icelandic kings’ sagas, concerns itself with various
internal and external aspects of the monarchy … The name of a king is important
and not to be taken in vain (Jakobsson 152).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt 0.5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Marianne Kalinke disagres, and sees Hrólfr’s defeat and
the defeat of his royal line as critical of the king, regardless of how much
this may be indebted to the romance tradition. Hrólfr’s praise, she argues, is
spoken by characters and not by the narrator like it is in <i>Beowulf</i>. Likewise, another parallel with <i>Beowulf</i> is that both Beowulf and Hrólfr are left without heirs,
which Kalinke sees in <i>Hrólfs saga kraka</i>
as a criticism of Hrólfr’s failure as a king to use practical wisdom. But what
would make Hrólfr a good king – where does he draw his authority from?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<u><span lang="EN-US">From below<o:p></o:p></span></u></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Unlike in <i>Beowulf</i>, Hrólfr’s defeat without an heir does not mean the end of
his people. Over time, after the introduction of many different literary
traditions, and over such geography, the people as a source of kingly authority
has diminished to negligible proportions. Beowulf is the defender of his
people, but in <i>Hrólfs saga kraka</i> the
people have hardly been mentioned. The nation at large makes its biggest
appearance near the beginning of the text: “lagði Fróði konungr nú allt
Danmerkr riki undir sik með sköttum ok skyldum; gengu þar flestir nauðugir til,
því Fróði konúngr var allra manna óvinsælastr” <i>King Frodi took control of the Danish kingdom, levying tribute and
taxes; most people submitted to him unwillingly because he was a much despised
man</i> (4-5). Here the people express
disapprobation, but they can in no way influence the selection of who will be
king. They cannot even depose cruel kings as they can at the beginning of the <i>Gesta Danorum</i>. Nor is it clear, save
from that line where the greedy king takes taxes from them, that they suffer
during the dynastic fighting that occurs throughout the text. For instance, it
says that Fróði burned and destroyed everything. Halfdan is not concerned with
the fate of his people like Beowulf is, but “kemr lítilli vörn við, er hann
höndum tekinn ok drepinn” <i>unable to
defend himself, was seized and killed</i>, the key point being he could not
defend himself, not that he couldn’t defend his people (1). The fights and
battles seem to be confined to the kings and their comitatus. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Champions and the comitatus occupy an
interesting role in the text. They are followers who do convey status upon
their kings, but they are not representative of the nation. Hrólfr’s champions
are men of superhuman ability, strength or forbearance. Even before the arrival
of the champions, Hrólfr’s court is manned by Berserks, who are likewise not
members of the general population. We know they convey status on the king
because “þá spurði Hrólfr konúngr Böðvar, hvort hann vissi nokkurn konúng
slíkan sen hann, ok stýri slikum köppum” <i>King
Hrolf asked Böðvarr whether he knew of any king his equal, or of one who
commanded such champions</i> (76). Yet while Hrólfr is glorying in the power
that his followers convey upon him, it is not a simple source of authority from
below. He has many followers because he deserves many followers. Svipdag’s
father sends him to Hrolfr’s court because of the many champions already
gathered there, but also because of Hrólfr’s kingly qualities. So the
authoritative qualities that come from within spur those that come from below,
from the ‘people.’ Looking at Hrólfr’s boast to Böðvarr, we could not say that
his champions make him more worthy to be king, but that it is an expression of
his kingly nature. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<u><span lang="EN-US">From within<o:p></o:p></span></u></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">More than either of the other texts,
the right to be king is tied to one’s kingly qualities. When deciding who has
the most right to the throne the author and, as Kalinke notes, the characters
are busy negotiating which, among a myriad of kings, is the best one. The text
sets the scenes by describing the relative merits of two brothers: “[Hálfdán ok
Fróði] konúngasynir, ok stýrði sínu ríkí hvörr þeirra; Hálfdán konúngr var hýrr
ok hægr ok góðlyndr, en Fróði konúngr van enn mesti rifbaldi” <i>[Halfdan and Frodi] were the sons of a king
and each ruled his own kingdom. King Halfdan was mild-mannered and easygoing.
King Fróði was the harshest and greediest of men </i>(3). He is greedy for
wealth and for power. The kingdom that he ruled is never mentioned, but it is
said he envies his brother his rule of Denmark, which is why he invades the
territory. This is very different from the <i>Gesta
Danorum</i>, where the expansion of territory is more often praised. Here the
fault, however, is not the invasion itself, but the fact that it is done with
motives of greed and because he usurps the throne from him who had a better
disposition to be king. The description of King Aðils of Sweden is also
indicative of how much a greedy nature detracts from a kingly one: “Aðels hèt
konúngr, ríkr ok ágjaru” <i>there was a king
named Adils; he was powerful and greedy</i> (29). But that a king should not be
greedy we have already seen. However, it has less to do with his status as
dispenser of wealth, though it may be inherited from that tradition, and more
to do with good personal (possibly Christian) traits. Consider also that
Hálfdán is mild-mannered. This is different from the other two texts. King Hrólfr
must be brave, a trait Svipdag shows is necessary when he decides not to follow
Aðils because he will not lead military expeditions. And yet Hrólfr does not
have to be the best or most worthy of warriors, like Beowulf or Hroþgar did in <i>Beowulf</i>. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">This is a really interesting difference
in all three texts because in <i>Beowulf</i>,
Beowulf faces the dragon alone, at least at first, and although he has had a
special shield of metal made, it defended him from the heat “lǣssan hwīle/ …
þonne his myne sōhte” <i>for less time than
he might have liked</i> (2571-2). In <i>Gesta
Danorum</i> Roluo declares that the most kingly quality is forbearance, and
stands before the heat until one of the flame with just a shield until someone
takes pity on him and throws water on the flame. In <i>Hrólfs saga kraka</i> this episode is very different, since the focus
is less on Hrólfr as warrior and more as a leader deserving of a comitatus.
Aðils invites Hrólfr and his champions to his abode and places them before a
continually stoked fire, because he “vildi sva verða vís, hvar et Hrólfr
konúngr væri, því hann þóttist vita, at hann mundi eigi geta staðist hitann,
sva sem kapparnir” <i>wanted in this way to learn
for certain where King Hrólfr was, assuming that Hrólfr would not be able to tolerate
the heat as well as his champions</i> (84). Hrólfr does stand it, so he
forbears just as his men do, proving he can lead them, but the assumption is
that a king gathers strong warriors, not that he is one. And in his own court
Hrólfr is adjudicator and peace-maker, arranging the seating in his hall so
that men are satisfied, but in a way that is clear that authority and prestige
flow out from him. Good kings do have to fight, but they also have to make
peace in their courts, which is not required in <i>Beowulf</i> or the <i>Gesta Danorum</i>.
Helgi receives into his house what turns out to be an elf-woman under an
enchanted spell and the narrator remarks that “honum kom nú í hug, at þat væri
ókonúngligt, at hann lèti þat úti, sem vesalt var, en hann má bjarga því” <i>it occurred to Helgi that it was unkingly
for him to allow any person, however wretched, to remain outside when he could
help</i> (30). On several occasions King Hrólfr is peacemaker between the
people in his service. On one such occasion, interceding between Böðvarr and a
berserk, “Hrólfr konúngr hljóp í milli þeirra, ok sagði þeim skyldi þat ekki
hlíðast, ok skyldu þeir heita jafnir þaðan í frá, ok ‘báðir mínir vinir” <i>King Hrólfr, quickly positioning himself
between the two, forbade their fighting. He said that they should be called equal
from now on, declaring them ‘both my friends’</i> (45). The martial prowess
which makes a king worthy to be king is different in <i>Hrólfs saga kraka</i> than the other texts. His comitatus is an
extension of his own strength, and his generosity, his temperance and other
kingly qualities give him that strength. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<u><span lang="EN-US">From above<o:p></o:p></span></u></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">This is a tale of dynastic struggles;
not a struggle between dynasties but within them. Compare this to <i>Beowulf </i>where kinslayer is the greatest
of insults, and to <i>Gesta Danorum </i>where
there are similar struggles, though Saxo still reserves the right of the
narrator to criticize those who betray their kinship ties. Family is again, as
in all three texts, the ultimate determining factor in what makes a king, but
because this is the case in <i>Hrólfs saga
kraka</i> these are the people that you must contend with for the kingship.
These are not nations fighting nations but individuals fighting individuals,
showing the importance of the qualities of the individual and the marginalization
of the nation or people in this text. Consider the very interesting way Hrólfr
places himself over his kinsman: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-US">ok sem Hrólfr konúngr hafði brugðit um sik
aptr brókabeltinu, tók hann aptr við sverðinu, ok mælti til Hjörvarðs konúngs:
þat vitu við baðir, sagði hann, at þat hefir lengi verit mælt, at sáskal vera
undirmaðr annars jafnan síðan, er tekr við sverði annars, á meðan hann bregðr
brókabelti; skaltu nú vera undirkonúngr minn, ok þola þat vel, sem aðrir <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i><span lang="EN-US">when
King Hrólfr had fastened his belt again, he took back his sword, saying to King
Hjörvarðr, ‘We both know the old adage that he who holds the sword of a man who
is undoing his belt, will from then on be the lesser of the two. Therefore, you
are now a king under my rule and you must endure this status as patiently as
the others do</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> (46-7).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">A king exercises his kingly nature and justice over
others, and his rule, once established, is hard to dispute unless there is a
king with more kingly attributes. Hjörvarðr is not that king, though he will
try to assert himself over Hrólfr by attacking him and his comitatus. Hjörvarðr’s
kingly nature is compromised by his listening to his wife, by the stealth of
his attack and by the fact that he too is killed in the battle. Though he may
not be the perfect king, as Kalinke suggests, of the two the justice, in the
text, is always with Hrólfr. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> If
you are not born to kingship, to a royal line, you can prove your worth by
seeking to submit yourself to a king.
Svipdag does not want leadership duties, he “ekki er honum um þat, at
vera fyrirmaðr hersins, en vill fara með konúngi þángat, sem hann vildi.
Konúngr vildi ekki annat, enn hann sè fyrirmaðr” <i>did not want that, to be the leader of the army; instead he wanted to
serve the king, following him wherever he went. The king [Aðils], however, was
adamant that he [Svipdag] be the leader</i> (40). This is why he joins Hrólfr’s
court. Likewise when asked, the champion “Böðvar kveðst ekki konúngr vilja
vera, heldr kvaðst hann vilja meðkonúngi
vera ok honum þjóna” <i>Böðvarr replied that
he did not want to be king; rather he said that he wanted to be with the king
and to serve him</i> (60). Hrókr is censured by the narrator because “Hrókr
leggr undir sik landit, hann lætr gefa sèr konúngsnafn” <i>Hrókr finished his conquest of the kingdom and had himself given the
title of king</i>, and in context here it means he was not born to it (25). Royal
lineage and royal right makes a king. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Luck and fate, however, certainly affect the
fates of men. Svipdagr warns Aðils that no one can tell how luck can turn. Before
Höttr drinks the blood from the flying beast it is thought he won’t have much
luck. This changes when the beast’s blood makes him find his courage. When Hrólfr and his champions ride home from
the battle with Aðils and his men in Uppsala they encounter the same man whom
they met on the way there, and refuse to take his gifts. When they realize they
had upset Oðin Böðvarr remarks that Hrólfr’s luck in battle would change and
Hrólfr replies that “auðna ræðr hvöra manns lífi, en ekki sá illi andi<i>” fate rules each man’s life and not that
foul spirit</i> (95). Fate is not as important as family, but we do know that
the luck that has run out means that Hrólfr’s next battle against his sister
Skuld and her husband will be his last, or, if he doesn’t know it, both Böðvarr
and the audience do. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> God,
in this romance and legendary mythic tale, plays almost no role. The text does
say that: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">En ekki er þess
getut, at Hrólfr konúngr ok kappar hans hafi nokkurm tíma blótat goð, heldr
trúðu þeir á mátt sinn ok megin, því þá var ekki boðuð sú heilaga trú hèr á
norðrlöndum, ok höfðu þeir því lítit skyn á skapara sínum, sem bjuggu í
Norðrálfunni<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">it is not mentioned that King Hrólfr and his champions worshipped
the old gods at any time. Rather, they put their trust in their own might and
main. The holy faith, at that time, had not been proclaimed here in the
northern lands and, for this reason, those who lived in the north had little
knowledge of their Creator</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> (98) <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Hrólfr had just said that he cared little for Oðin, his
concession to his Christian audience, but the setting of this tale is not
Christian. Setting the tale in a pre-Christian Denmark has meant that the tale
can be one where the kings regularly interact with the supernatural without
that being a comment on the piety of the characters. The brief mention that
Christianity is still coming, and the perhaps that latent Christianity rests
within them, is more than is mentioned in the first two books of the <i>Gesta Danorum</i>. Of course Saxo is going
to get to Christianity and how God makes kings eventually, and this text never
does. In <i>Hrólfs saga kraka</i> a king’s
authority does not come from God, but his innately good qualities, even if they
are not all overtly Christian qualities, show that the king’s line is set up
for the future.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Consider Svipdagr’s father’s
description of King Hrólfr: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Svá er mèr sagt
frá HróIfi konúngi, at hann sè örr ok stórgjöfull, trúfastr ok vinavandr, sva
at hans jafníngi mun eigi finnast; hann sparer eigi gull nè gersemar nær við
alla, er þiggja vilja; hann er lágligr at líta, en mikill at reyna ok torveldr,
manna fríðastr, stórlátr við ómilda, en ljúfr ok hógværr við vesæla, ok við
alla þá, sem ekki brjéta bag í móti honum; manna lítilátastr, svà at jafn blítt
svarar hann fátækum sem ríkum; svà er hann mikill ágætismaðr, at hans nafnmun
eigi fyrnast á meðan verōldin er bygð; hann hefir ok skattgildt alla konúnga þá,
sem at eru í nánd honum, því allir vilja homun fúsir þjóna<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">I have heard that King Hrólfr is open-handed and generous and so
trustworthy and particular about his friends that his equal cannot be found. He
withholds neither gold nor treasure from nearly everyone who wants or needs
them. He is handsome in looks, powerful in deeds and a worthy opponent. The
fairest of men, Hrolf is fierce with the greedy, yet gentle and accommodating
with the unpretentious and modest. Toward all those who do not threaten him, he
is the most humble of men, responding with equal mildness to both the powerful
and the poor. Hrolf is so great that his name will not be forgotten as long as
the world remains inhabited. He has exacted tribute from all kings who are near
him, for everyone is willing to serve him</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> (43).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">King Hrólfr is supported by people willing to serve him,
because he has good kingly qualities, which include justice, temperance,
generosity as well as exhibiting kingly physical features. Most importantly, he
is a king amongst kings, he wields more power than other kings, which is
described as a personal trait. The sources of authority, as in <i>Beowulf </i>and the <i>Gesta Danorum</i> cannot be separated from each other. Just like in <i>Beowulf </i>and the <i>Gesta Danorum</i> physical features manifest both a king’s personal traits
and his parentage. As opposed to the <i>Gesta
Danorum</i>, where the line of kings was more important than the individual
personalities due to its sweeping subject matter and focus on lineage, Hrólfs
saga kraka is a portrait of a few kings jostling for position. Their lineage,
while it is an important definitive kingly trait amongst these individuals, it
is the lineage that manifests itself in their kingly personalities that is most
important.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<u><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Conclusion<o:p></o:p></span></u></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">It may be exaggerating to say that the
Scyldings in <i>Beowulf</i> get their power
mostly from sources from below, from the people they rule, it is more the case
than in either of the other analogues. The <i>Gesta
Danorum</i> emphasizes family above all else, and has the most top down (familial
based) source for kingly authority. <i>Hrólfs
saga kraka</i> emphasizes the personal traits of the kings, the sources of
authority that come from within, more than any other. But all three texts are
involved in complex negotiations about the nature and source of kingship. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Looking at D.H. Green’s theory of
Germanic kingship, the vocabulary that is used to describe kings is indicative
of the kingship ideology being espoused in the texts. The Germanic word <i>þiuda</i> is the Gothic word for people, and<i> þiudans</i> is a word for ruler that takes
into account the connection to the people. It is one of the oldest words, and
even in Old English <i>þēoden</i> shows its
age, employed only in poetry and not prose (Green 126). <i>Truhtin</i> is a word for war-leader, though it appears frequently in
reference to God and in Old English appears as <i>dryhten</i> (Green 127-8). But Gothic <i>kuning</i>, or in Old English <i>cyning
</i>and in Old Norse<i> konungr</i>, is the
word that wins out. It is a word that poses many linguistic difficulties, but
Green establishes the connection between this word and kinship and family ties.
Perhaps it is not so surprising that examining three different texts about the
same family, the mind is drawn to think of how family forms kingly authority,
but it is interesting that the language shows also that there is a privileging
of kinship in the concept of kings. It is tempting to read the texts chronologically
based on their language usage.<i> Beowulf</i>,
negotiating all three words, is on the cusp of the solidification of the
kingship model in Anglo-Saxon England, trying to negotiate the different
Germanic models and Romanized, more authoritarian top down models that it had
before it. <i>Hrólfs saga kraka</i>, using
just konungr, and being at least 400 years later, if not much more, is
solidified in its one Romanized conception of Germanic kingdom, though it is
still trying to set its current models of kingship in contrast to an antiquity and earlier
kingship tradition. Unfortunately since the <i>Gesta
Danorum</i> is written in Latin, it is harder to extrapolate about the meaning
of the word <i>rex</i> to the nature of
Germanic kingship. However, the <i>Gesta
Danorum</i> shows a kingship that is trying to establish itself in the model of
the rest of the European continent, already Romanized. Halfway between the two
other examples, the <i>Gesta Danorum</i> glorifies
the past while looking towards the future of Denmark. Of course, the word usage
in<i> Beowulf</i> is also governed by
alliteration, and the expediency of finding synonyms for king to fit the poetic
form. This does not detract from the fact that all those words would be
recognizable to its audience. Green, looking at how lexical differences
privilege different aspects of kingship, states that “however precarious the
tenure of royal power, subject to election, may have been in the earlier
period, by the beginning of the sixth century most Germanic kingdoms had a
royal dynasty and most of these dynasties were claiming a monopoly of kingship
since before the migrations” (Green 138-9). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">When Paul Acker says that Ingeld “has
played a curious role in Beowulfian studies,” what he is saying is that tales
of the Danish royal court has played an interesting role in Beowulf studies.
The famous quote from Alcuin, ‘Quid Hinieldus cum Christo.’ [‘What does Ingeld
have to do with Christ?’] , comes from a letter that he wrote to the
Anglo-Saxon bishop around 797. In Beowulf, Ingeld is the Heathobard prince, the
son of Froda, whose marriage to a Danish princess will not stop the outbreak of
war: “<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Sīo ġehāten<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">ġeong goldhroden, gladum suna Frōdan;<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">hafað þæs ġeworden wine Scyldinga,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">…<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Oft seldan hwær<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">æfter lēodhryre lytle hwīle<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">bongār būgeð, þēah sēo bryd duge.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">She is promised, <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">young, gold-adorned, to the gracious son of Froda; <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">the ruler of the Scyldings has arranged this<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">… <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">But seldom anywhere <o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US">after the death of a prince does the deadly spear rest<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<i><span lang="EN-US"> for even a brief while,
though the bride be good!</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> (2024-2031).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">In the <i>Gesta
Danorum</i> Frothi is father of Haldan, who is the terrible one. In <i>Hrólfs saga kraki</i> Fróði is the evil one,
not Hálfdán, and he is Hálfdán’s brother, not his father. The Frothi/ Fróði in
the two later examples may not be based on the same tradition as the Froda that
is Heathobard in Beowulf, but consider that in <i>Skjöldunga saga</i>, not examined here, Ingialldus, not Frodi, is the
evil brother of Hálfdán. The stories of the Danish court and their exploits is
passed around enough for the line of succession and the particulars of the
court to be lost to time, but the characters fill the roles that they need to
to complete the story of kingship. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The stories of the
Scylding/Scioldung/Skjöldung court in a way that may aptly be compared to the
modern obsession with Robin Hood. The stories are known, so they can be
appropriated by authors in different ways for different purposes, and have been
for several hundred years. And while you can change almost anything, the
characters have to look like the ones the audience recognizes and in the case
of Robin Hood, the story has to centre around wealth distribution; in the case
of the Scylding/Scioldung/Skjöldung court, around kingship. The comparison between
Robin Hood and the court can be carried further when it is considered how
Denmark was important to the nobility of Anglo-Saxon England, to the politics
of Iceland from the fourteenth century onward, and of course to the national
history of Denmark, just as the history of England is important to the founding
mythology of subsequent English speaking nations like the United States. The
tales are rooted in an imaginary past that has enough grounding in reality to
give the tales added depth. Though it may be the imaginary past of somewhere
quite far away, it has bearing on our conception of our own identity. The ancient
Danish line was appropriate subject matter for audiences interested in where
kingly authority comes from, and looking to be confirmed in the idea that
descent from a glorious line was a legitimate way of passing down power. A
glorious line of kings, untouchable in their honour and place in society, are
perfect subjects to explore kingship and to raise issues of what makes an ideal
king for audiences in Anglo-Saxon England, thirteenth century Denmark and
fourteenth century Iceland. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div>
<!--[if !supportEndnotes]--><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="edn1">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206100/Scyldings,%20Scioldungs%20and%20Skjoldungs.docx#_ednref1" name="_edn1" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[i]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> This paper attempts to render names into the nominative form of the
language of the text, in order to keep the characters separate from text to
text, with some consideration being given for English audiences for names like
Valdemar II. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn2">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206100/Scyldings,%20Scioldungs%20and%20Skjoldungs.docx#_ednref2" name="_edn2" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[ii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> The translations of texts in the paper are my own, referencing
solid translations already in print. See bibliography. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn3">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206100/Scyldings,%20Scioldungs%20and%20Skjoldungs.docx#_ednref3" name="_edn3" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[iii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> The preface conflates the author with the narrator, so this paper
will refer to the interpolations of the narrator as coming from Saxo himself. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<u><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-no-proof: yes;">Bibliography<o:p></o:p></span></u></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Acker, Paul. "Part I. 'Fragments of
Danish History' (Skjöldunga saga)." <i>ANQ</i> 20.3 (Summer 2007): 3-9.
Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Byock, Jesse L., ed. <i>The Saga of King
Hrolf Kraki</i>. New York: Penguin Books, 1998. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Carruthers, Leo. "Kingship and Heroism
in Beowulf." <i>Heroes and Heroines in Medieval English literature: a
festschrift presented to Andre Crepin on the occasion of his sixty-fifth
birthday</i> (1994): 19-29. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Clemoes, Peter. "The chronological
implications of the bond between kingship in Beowulf and kingship in
practice." <i>Interactions of Thought and Language in Old English Poetry</i>.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. 3-67. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Fisher, Peter, trans. <i>Saxo Grammaticus:
The History of the Danes Book I-IX</i>. Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1996. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Green, D.H. "Kingship." <i>Language
and history in the early Germanic world</i>. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1998. 121-142. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Holder, Alfred, ed. <i>Saxonis Grammatici
Gesta Danorum; herausgegeben</i>. Strassburg: K.J. Trubner, 1886.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">"Hrolfs saga kraka ok kappa
hans." <i>Fornaldarsögur Nordrlanda</i>. Reykjavik: S. Kristjansson,
1886-1891. 1-84. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Jakobsson, Ármann. "Le Roi Chevalier:
The Royal Ideology and Genre of <i>Hrolfs
saga</i> <i>kraka</i>." <i>Scandinavian
Studies</i> 71.2 (Summer 1999): 139-166. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Jakobsson, Ármann. "Royal
Biography." <i>A Companion to Old Norse-Icelandic Literature and Culture</i>.
Ed. Rory McTurk. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2005. 388-402. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Kalinke, Marianne. "Transgression in <i>Hrolfs saga kraka</i>." <i>Fornaldarsagornas
struktur och ideologi; handlingar fran ett sympposium i Uppsala.</i> Uppsala universitet: Institutionen för
nordiska språk , 2003. 157-71. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Klaeber, Frederick. <i>Klaeber's Beowulf</i>.
Ed. R.D. Fulk, Robert E. Bjork and John D. Niles. 4th. Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, 2009. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Liuzza, R.M., trans. <i>Beowulf</i>.
Peterborough: Broadview Literary Texts, 2000. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Ólason, Vésteinn. "Family Sagas."
<i>A Companion to Old Norse-Icelandic Literature and Culture</i>. Ed. Rory
McTurk. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2005. 101-118.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Swanton, M.J. <i>Crisis and Developent in
Germanic Society 700-800: Beowulf and the Burden of Kingship</i>. Goppingen:
Kummerle Verlag, 1982. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Tulinius, Törfi H. "Sagas of Icelandic
Prehistory (fornaldarsögur)." <i>A Companion to Old Norse-Icelandic
Literature and Culture</i>. Ed. Rory McTurk. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing,
2005. 447-461. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Wanner, Kevin J. "Warriors, Wyrms, and
Wyrd: The Paradoxical Fate of the Germanic Hero/King in Beowulf." <i>Essays
in Medieval Studies</i> 16 (2011): 1-15. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Waugh, Robin. "Royal Power, and the
King-Poet Relations in Old English and Old Norse Compositions." <i>Comparative
Literature</i> 49.4 (1997): 289-315. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Würth, Stefanie. "Historiography and
Pseudo-History." <i>A Companion to Old Norse-Icelandic Literature and Culture</i>.
Ed. Rory McTurk. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2005. 155-172. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
</div>
</div>
Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-74408342503776126012012-12-30T18:48:00.000-08:002012-12-30T18:52:07.786-08:00The 1066 Norwegian Invasion of England according to the Anglo Saxon Chronicle<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Megan Arnott<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">ENGL: 6760<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Prof. Jana Schulman<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Friday, December 7, 2012<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 175%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> 1066
has been called the ‘linchpin year” in English history.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
For historians, the Norman Conquest has been used to divide English history
into a ‘before’ and ‘after.’<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Taking a back seat to the main arenas of the Conquest was the earlier events of
1066, which comprised the Norwegian Invasion of England.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Historiographically speaking, the events at Stamford Bridge are always
mentioned as a prelude to the Conquest because it is significant that Harold
Godwinson, last king of the Anglo-Saxons, fought two pitched battles on either
side of the country in less than a month, and that the English at York fought
two battles against the Norwegians in September, cutting down their military
capabilities before the Normens arrived in October. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 175%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> The
Norwegians, under king Haraldr Harðráði., and their English allies, under the
exiled earl Tostig Godwinson, Harold’s brother, raided the countryside before the
two battles around the city of York. They won the battle at Fulford Gate, but
they lost the one at Stamford Bridge five days later. Kelly De Vries, writing
exclusively about the Norwegian invasion of England in 1066, lists three
categories of sources for the invasion, “those which were written in England
close to the time of the events which they discuss; those written (or, in the
case of the Bayeux Tapestry, embroidered) in England or Normandy after the
conquest of William the Conqueror but before the turn of the twelfth century;
and those written in England or Normandy during the early part of the twelfth
century by historically astute writers compiling their histories from other earlier
sources and eye-witnesses.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
There are only two sources in the first category: the <i>Vita Ædwardi regis</i> and the <i>Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle</i>. <a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Of
these sources, the <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>
represents an interesting English genre of historical documentation. Apart from
the Irish Annals and an early Russian chronicle, and those are again of a
slightly different genre, at this time there are no comparable vernacular
sources that record history.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
The <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i> gives its
readers an English - in language and perspective - take on the events of 1066,
differing from the point of view given in the Scandinavian, Norman and later
Anglo-Norman narratives. The goal of
this paper is to understand how the <i>Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle</i> portrays the Norwegian Invasion of 1066 and how they characterize
the Norwegians, particularly the figure of Haraldr Harðráði.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 175%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The text that we call the <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i> is not one text,
but seven separate manuscripts and two fragments, each representing an
individual document in their own right.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
The origins of the <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>
reside in the Easter Tables that clergy used to mark the passage of time. These
reports are terse, and are often begun with ‘Here, in this year.’<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Even though they are short and somewhat bland in nature, these references may
have triggered a whole host of references or memories for their Anglo-Saxon
audiences.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[10]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Around 890 what would become the <i>Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle</i> was compiled using Easter Tables and supplemented with material
from other, often Latin sources like Bede’s chronological summary in his <i>Ecclesiastical History</i>.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn11" name="_ftnref11" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[11]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
It is thought that it was compiled not by king Alfred, but possibly by someone
in his court who was interested in promoting national identity in the face of
Viking raids.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn12" name="_ftnref12" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[12]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
There was a surge of Anglo-Saxon literature during this time period, as it was
felt that Latin was in decay, and education was one of the courtly concerns.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn13" name="_ftnref13" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[13]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
An Alfredian Chronicle was compiled and distributed to many different
political/religious and learning centres, just as Alfred’s translation of the <i>Cura Pastoralis</i> was.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn14" name="_ftnref14" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[14]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
The seven manuscripts containing the Chronicle, up until the entry for 890, are
all drawing on similar stock. However, no year in the entire <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i> is exactly the
same across all versions, including up until the year 890.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn15" name="_ftnref15" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[15]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
After 890 the relationship between the texts becomes even more interesting and certainly
hard to trace. The entries in the <i>Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle</i> become their own prose genre, whose main function is still to
mark the year, but which become more original and often more detailed.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn16" name="_ftnref16" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[16]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Kevin Crossley, characterizing the entries in the <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, has noted that part of the conventions of
this genre are special attention to wars, and an interest in what Crossley
considers the ‘superstitious’ attention paid to portents and signs.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn17" name="_ftnref17" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[17]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
And while there are many indicators that suggest many entries were added after
the date they represent, the entries are at least nominally contemporary after
890, which has partly explained their appeal for historians trying to
reconstruct this period in English history.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn18" name="_ftnref18" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[18]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 175%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The seven manuscripts have been named /A,
A (which is also sometimes called G or W), B, C, D, E, and F.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn19" name="_ftnref19" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[19]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Charles Plummer’s account of the <i>Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle</i> identifies /A, C, D and E as Chronicles in their own right, with
B, A and F as derivative of the others.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn20" name="_ftnref20" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[20]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Manuscript /A is of interest because it is clear that after 890 the entries
were recorded one at a time for each year. The other six manuscripts change
hands mid-way through entries, suggesting a different kind of textual
transmission.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn21" name="_ftnref21" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[21]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 175%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The entries for 1066 embody all the
genre conventions of Chronicle entries. There are portents, and political moves
that mark the year, as well as three key battles. The Battle of Hastings tends
to be the battle that is most remembered, but this emphasis was created by the
outcome not by the events as they unfolded. We cannot tell if the sources are
directly contemporary, or when exactly they were written down, but again they
are considered to be some of the most contemporary sources. In Chronicle C,
within the description of Harold Godwinson’s preparations for the Norman
Conquest, it says “eallswa his syððan aeode,” showing that the chronicler
writes after the event.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn22" name="_ftnref22" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[22]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Conversely, in manuscript A there is a mention of 1066 which gives equal space
to the Norman Conquest as to the burning of Christ’s Church in Canterbury: “her
com Willelm gewann Ængla land. Her on ðison geare barn Cristes cyrce.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn23" name="_ftnref23" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[23]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
It is less clear that this was written after the events described, because of
the fact that it doesn’t obviously use outside textual sources like Chronicle C
does, nor does it use those phrases which specifically say it was written
later. In addition the brevity of it means that it could have been written as
events were unfolding. Because \A’s entries were written one at a time A seems
even more contemporary to the events than C, though C is also thought to be
nominally contemporary.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn24" name="_ftnref24" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[24]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 175%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> And there are different emphases on the three
battles depending on which Chronicle you are reading. By focusing on the
battles that the Norwegians fought in, namely the first two battles (the Battle
of Fulford Gate and the Battle of Stamford Bridge) as opposed to the Battle of
Hastings, the Chronicle gives you three overlapping but vastly different
narratives for the events as they unfold. Chronicle C, which provides the
greatest amount of detail, is cut off due to a mangling of the manuscript, and
so covers the Battle of Fulford Gate and Stamford Bridge in great detail, but
does not touch on the Norman Conquest at all, save for the levy Harold had in
response to what he had heard (from credible sources) about William of Normandy
gathering an army.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn25" name="_ftnref25" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[25]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
So Chronicles C, D and E deal with the events of the Norwegian Invasion in
depth. Chronicle B cuts off at 977, and so doesn’t reach the year 1066.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn26" name="_ftnref26" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[26]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
F is a bilingual version of E, written in Old English and Latin, marking the
full circle of Latin sources, informing an Old English text, transitioning back
to Latin.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn27" name="_ftnref27" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[27]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Therefore,
in the genre of <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
there are three versions of the events of 1066. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The Norwegian Invasion in the <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">In the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, the start
of the year is flexible. Bede said that the practice of starting the year at
Christmas was falling into disuse in his day, but this still seems to be the
case in a lot of the Chronicle, including for the year 1066.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn28" name="_ftnref28" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[28]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
However, in other Chronicle years the year begins like ours, a.k.a. like the
Roman civil calendar on January the 1<sup>st</sup>.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn29" name="_ftnref29" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[29]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
In other entries the year begins with the Annunciation on March the 25<sup>th</sup>,
such as the entry for year 1044.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn30" name="_ftnref30" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[30]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Chronicle C and D, open the year 1066 following the exact same tradition or
text, save for some spelling variation: “on þissum<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn31" name="_ftnref31" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[31]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
geare com Harold cyng<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn32" name="_ftnref32" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[32]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
of Eoforwic to Westmynstre to þam Eastran þe wæron æfter þam middanwintre<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn33" name="_ftnref33" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[33]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
þe se cyng<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn34" name="_ftnref34" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[34]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
forðferde, wæron þa Eastran on þone dæg<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn35" name="_ftnref35" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[35]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
.xvi. kalendas Mai.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn36" name="_ftnref36" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[36]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
The events follow the mid winter celebration, or Christmas as the acknowledged
bench mark. In Chronicle E this is even clearer because it starts off the year
with mention of a church consecrated on December 28: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Millesimo.lxvi. On
þissum geare man halgode þet mynster æt Westmynstre on Cilda mæssedæg, se cyng
Easward forðferde on twelfta mæsseæfan, hine mann bebyrgede on twelftan
mæssedæg innan þære niwa halgodre circean on Westmynstre, Harold eorl feng to
Englalandes cynerice swa swa se cyng hit him geuðe, eac men hine þærto gecuron,
wæs gebletsod to cynge on twelftan mæssedæg.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn37" name="_ftnref37" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[37]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">In our modern calendar the consecration of the Church at
Westminster would fall in 1065, but not in the reckoning of this <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Even though it doesn’t mention the
Norwegian Invasion, Chronicle A mentions the portent in the sky. The presence
of such conventions, depending on the genre, can make us question the veracity
of the text. Certainly mentioning portents often draws our disbelief and caused
Crossley to call the Anglo-Saxons superstitious.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn38" name="_ftnref38" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[38]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
In this case, history has vindicated the mention of a comet in the sky in 1066,
and it doesn’t stretch our credulity because the implications of the comet are
implied, not stated explicitly. Not only is the comet mentioned in other
narratives, the timing would have coincided with Haley’s Comet.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn39" name="_ftnref39" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[39]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
It is mentioned in A, and C and D, though in CD it is again an exact repetition
of the text, drawing from exactly the same example with very few spelling
variations: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Þa wearð geond eall
Englaland swylc tacen on heofenum gesewen swylce nan mann<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn40" name="_ftnref40" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[40]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
ær ne geseh.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn41" name="_ftnref41" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[41]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Sume men cwædon<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn42" name="_ftnref42" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[42]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
þæt hyt<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn43" name="_ftnref43" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[43]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
cometa se steorra wære, þone sume men hatað þone fexedan<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn44" name="_ftnref44" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[44]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
steorran, he æteowde ærest on þone æfen Letania Mairoa, þæt ys .viii. idus<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn45" name="_ftnref45" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[45]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Mai. Swa scean<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn46" name="_ftnref46" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[46]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
ealle þa .vii.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn47" name="_ftnref47" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[47]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
niht.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn48" name="_ftnref48" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[48]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">C also says it was “viii. idus Mai” (May 8) and D says
viii. kalendas Mai, (24 April) that the comet was first seen, but these are
minor variations. E does not mention the portent, however the account in E is
much shorter in general, though not as short as A. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">According to the <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, the first threat to Harold’s kingdom
consisted of attacks from his brother Tostig Godwinson, exiled earl of York, who
was raiding in the south of England. The most thorough account of Tostig’s activities
occurs in Chronicle C. The former earl landed on the Isle of Wight and raided
up to Sandwich. Chronicle D does not make explicit mention of raids, but says
that Tostig came to the Isle of Wight and received money and supplies there. In
Chronicle C when Tostig learns that his brother Harold is on his way to
Sandwich he leaves, capturing men from the port, and attacks the area along the
Humber, especially at Lindsey. Not much is said about what may have happened
then, whether it was a battle, or simply a retreat, but Chronicle C says that
Earl Eadwin and Morkere, who had taken over from Tostig as earl, drove him and
his men out. At this point Chronicle D and E (not C and D as was the case up
until now) use the exact same wording to state that “þa wile<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn49" name="_ftnref49" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[49]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
com Tostig eorl into Humbran mid sixtigum<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn50" name="_ftnref50" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[50]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
scipum, Eadwine eorl com mid lanferde<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn51" name="_ftnref51" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[51]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
adraf<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn52" name="_ftnref52" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[52]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
hine ut, þa butsacarlas<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn53" name="_ftnref53" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[53]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
hine forsocan.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn54" name="_ftnref54" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[54]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Chronicle
C says that it is as many men as he can muster, whereas the tradition that D
and E refer to are saying that originally Tostig had sixty ships to attack
England with. Historians have made much out of the number of ships mentioned in
Chronicles D and E, often using them to recreate numbers for the Battle of
Fulford Gate and the Battle of Stamford Bridge.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn55" name="_ftnref55" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[55]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 175%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The sequence of events in the <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i> has Tostig
attacking England while Harold Godwinson was building an army .But all three
versions agree that the threat is Harold is worried about is not coming from
Tostig. In Chronicle C there is a logic gap: when king Harold hears about his
brother Tostig in Sandwich (something only C mentions) his response is to
gather an army to meet the threat from the south. In fact Tostig himself has to
get out of Sandwich, not necessarily because Harold is coming for him, though
this could be inferred, but because he doesn’t want to run into him and
Sandwich is where Harold has chosen to muster his troops. D likewise, creates
flow by mentioning how Harold is Tostig’s brother, but talks about Harold’s
preparations for the impending invasion from the south: “Harold cyng, his
broþor, gegædrade swa micelne sciphere eac landhere swa nan cyng her on lande
ær ne dyde, for þam þe him wæs gecyðd þæt Wyllelm Bastard wolde hider ðis land
gewinnen, eallswa hit syððan aeode.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn56" name="_ftnref56" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[56]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
E is even pithier in its mention of Harold’s preparations: “þy ilcan geare þe
he cyng wæs, he for ut mid sciphere togeanes Willelme.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn57" name="_ftnref57" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[57]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
C talks about waiting for an invasion, but in the end they waited too long, and
they couldn’t feed the troops – they simply couldn’t keep them there. C refers
to the impending tragedy; “þeh hit æt þam ende naht ne forstode.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn58" name="_ftnref58" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[58]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Chronicle C refers to ships that Harold sailed into London from the Isle of
Wight, after having to disband his men. Most of the ships were lost. E also
refers to his naval force, but never actually mentions the Isle of Wight or the
loss. However, Chronicle E gives historical weight to the tradition detailed in
Chronicle C by mentioning this naval force, even without details, and without
proof that they are necessarily referring to the same tradition. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 175%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Chronicles D and E again draw on the
exact same tradition to describe how Tostig’s force went from sixty ships to
twelve, implying that they were lost somewhere between when he sailed into the
Humber and when he met up with Haraldr of Norway in Scotland. By implication
they were lost at the battle with earl Eadwin at Lindsey, but this is not
explicit. Chronicles D and E also draw from a tradition where now Tostig
becomes Haraldr Harðráði’s man. Other traditions have Tostig as an instigator
of the Norwegian invasion, inviting Haraldr to come to England and claim
inheritance from Knútr, but here that is not the case. It is the case, however,
in Chronicle C. In Chronicle C there is no mention of Haraldr being in
Scotland, just Tostig. Instead the two meet up at the Tyne to begin raiding: “Tostig
eorl him com to mid eallum þam þe he begiten hæfde eallswa hy ær gesprecen
hæfdon.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn59" name="_ftnref59" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[59]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
In Chronicle C the two have met before and planned to meet up for the invasion.
And Tostig’s force is painted in a much better light. He has all the forces
that he can muster, instead of having been reduced to twelve ships. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 175%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Chronicles
D and E are drawing on the same tradition again for the description of the
Battle at Fulford Gate, however, as opposed to the passages above, the wording
has started to differ. Haraldr and Tostig fight with earls Eadwin and Morkere
at York and win. At first the two accounts are still basically the same. This
is the account in D: “hi foron þa begen into Humbran, oð þæt hi common to
Eoforwic.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn60" name="_ftnref60" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[60]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
However, at this point, while the meaning is retained, the wording changes: “heom
þær wið fuhton Eadwine eorl Morkere eorl, his broðor, ac þa Normen ahton sige.
Man cyðde þa Harolde, Engla cynge, þæt þis wæs þus gefaren, þis gefeoht wæs on
Uigilia sancti Mathei.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn61" name="_ftnref61" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[61]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Compare this to the account in Chronicle E: “hi bægen foran into Hunbran oð þet
hi coman to Eoferwic, heom wið feaht Morkere eorl Eadwine eorl, se norrena cyng
ahte siges geweald.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn62" name="_ftnref62" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[62]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Chronicles D and C also agree on the date, September 20<sup>th</sup>, the vigil
of St. Matthew’s day, for the battle. This was twelve days after, according to
Chronicle C, the army gathered by Harold Godwinson at Sandwich had to be
dismissed. Chronicle C, as per usual, gives us a lot more detail about the
battle beyond what we learn in D and E, which is only that the Norwegians won.
Instead, Chronicle C states: “þa gegaderode Eadwine eorl Morkere eorll of heora
eorldome swa mycel werod swa hi begitan mihton, wið þone here gefuhton, mycel
wæl geslogon, þær wæs þæs Engliscan folces mycel ofslagen adrenct, on fleam
bedfiren Normen ahton wælstowe gewald.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn63" name="_ftnref63" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[63]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Chronicle C also mentions the terms of the surrender, indicating that waiting
for hostages was one of the reasons Haraldr and Tostig would wait around York
after the battle: “þa æfter þam gefeohte for Harold cyninge of Norwegan Tostig
eorl into Eoforwic mid swa miclum folce swa heom þa geþuhte, him on gislade of
þæreburh eac to metsunge fylste, swa þanon to scipe foran to fullan friðe
gespræcon, þæt hig ealle mid him suð faran woldon, þis land gegan.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn64" name="_ftnref64" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[64]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 175%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Chronicle C describes how as soon as
earl Tostig and Haraldr land near York, Harold marches night and day, as
quickly as he can, just as soon as he can get his men together. Makes sense, if
he is going to have enough time to reassemble a force and march with them to
York for September the 25<sup>th</sup>, the day of the Battle of Stamford. After
the battle took place (on a Wednesday says Chronicle C), by Sunday Harold had
come with all of his forces to Tadcaster and was marching for York on Monday:
“Đa amang þissan com Harold Engla cyninge mid ealre his fyrde on ðone Sunnandæg
to Tada, 7 þær his lið fylcade, 7 for þa on Monandæg þurh ut Eoferwic.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn65" name="_ftnref65" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[65]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Chronicle D and E have a greatly truncated version of events, which do not take
time to say much of anything, let alone pay such attention to the sequence of
events. Both texts say simply that Harold was informed of the outcome of the
battle. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 175%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> It
is in their brief descriptions of the actual Battle of Stamford Bridge that the
chroniclers of both D and E, in different ways, come out in support of Harold
Godwinson. Chronicle E’s account is the shortest: “man cydde Harolde cyng hu
hit wæs þær gedon geworden, he com mid mycclum here engliscra manna gemette
hine æt Stængfordesbrycge hine ofsloh þone eorl Tostig eallne þone here ahtlice
ofercom.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn66" name="_ftnref66" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[66]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> To
have ‘ahtlice’ or courageously defeated the force of Norwegians and earl
Tostig’s men, shows the chronicler’s support of Harold Godwinson and the
English in this battle. Chronicle D’s account is longer. Not only does Harold
defeat the force at Stamford Bridge, but he takes them by surprise, ‘com … on
unwær’: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Đa com Harold ure cyng
on unwær on þa Normenn hytte hi begeondan Eoforic æt Steinfordbrygge mid micclan
here englisces folces, þær wearð on daeg swiðe stranglic gefeoht on ba halfe.
Þar wearð ofslægen Harold Harfagera, Tosti eorl, þa Normen þe þær to lafe wæron
wurdon on fleame, þa engliscan hi hindan hetelice slogon, oð þæt hig sume to
scype coman, sume adruncen, sume eac forbærnde, swa mislice forfarene þæt þær
wæs lyt to lafe, Engle ahton wælstowe geweald. <a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn67" name="_ftnref67" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[67]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Both chronicles say that Harold had a “micclan here
englisces folces’ or ‘mycclum here engliscra manna.’ Chronicle D, at the moment
of his death, calls Haraldr ‘Harold Harfagera,’ which is unfortunately the
wrong epithet, but shows that the chronicler had heard something of Norwegian
history. But more than one historian of the conquest has noted that Chronicle D
calls Harold Godwinson, ‘Harold ure cyng,’ indicating some sort of sympathy
with the last Anglo-Saxon king of England.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn68" name="_ftnref68" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[68]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Chronicle C, again is much more
detailed. It goes into Haraldr and Tostig’s motivations for being at Stamford
Bridge, as they wait for ‘gislas’: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Harold cyning of
Norwegan tostig eorl heora gefylce wæron afaren of scipe begeondan Eoforwic to
Stanford brycge, forþam þe him wæron behaten to gewissan þæt him man þær of
ealre þinre scire ongean hy gislas bringan wolde. Đa com Harold Engl cyning,
heom ongean on unwaran, begeondan þære brycge, he þær togædre fengon swyðe
heardlice lange on dæg feohtende wæron, þær wæs Harold cyning of Norwegan
Tostig eorl ofslagen, gerim folces mid heom, ægðer ge Norman age Englisca.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn69" name="_ftnref69" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[69]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Both Norwegians and the English are being killed during
this battle. This Chronicle chooses to highlight the losses in battle, in
addition to the English victory. As the Norwegians flee for their ships there
is an interesting account which was added to the end of Chronicle C in a twelfth
century hand. This account, of the Norwegian who defended the bridge against a
whole English force, is attested to in Henry of Huntingdon’s account, a later
English source, in addition to Chronicle C: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">þa Normen flugon þa
Englisa. Đa wes þer an on Norwegan þe widstod þet Englisce folc þet hi ne micte
þa brigge oferstigen ne sige gerechen. Þa seite an Englisce mid anre flane ac
hit nactes ne widstod. Ænd þa com an oþer under þere brigge, end hine þurustang
en under þere brunie. Þa com Harold Engla chinge ofer þere brigge hys furde
forð mid hine; þere Michel wel geslogon ge Norweis ge Flæming.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn70" name="_ftnref70" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[70]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">The problem of the late addition to the Chronicle C text is that it makes this account more
troublesome than other things in C which are just from a different tradition
than D or E. This is a problem for historians who have valued the historicity
of other aspects of the Chronicle, despite the fact that the accounts do not
agree. Certainly historian Ian Walker believes that this event has no
historical value.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn71" name="_ftnref71" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[71]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
It may have a much later provenance, and in terms of how we moderns imagine the
world, it is even less believable than the rest of the narrative. Regardless,
it is an interesting part of the tradition that is left to us because we do not
know why someone else decided to add that in, or really that it wasn’t part of
the earlier narrative in the first place. It is not recorded in non-English
sources, but as DeVries points out, this could be because it would be something
the English would notice and not the Norwegians, who were in retreat, though
that is speculation and adds no evidence to give the event more historical
weight.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn72" name="_ftnref72" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[72]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
The text of Chronicle C ends in 1066 not necessarily because it was finished at
that time, but because the manuscript was mangled. This part of the narrative
may have even originally been a part of Chronicle C before the mangling. <i> </i><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"> The
last words in Chronicle C are: þes cyninges sunu Hetmundus let Harold faran ham
to Norweie mid all scipe.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn73" name="_ftnref73" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[73]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
We know about Haraldr’s son Magnus, but Mundus has not been mentioned before.
At this point the Chronicle stops. The best wrap up of the Norwegian Invasion
of England is given in Chronicle D: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Se kyng þa geaf gryð Olafe,
þæs Norna cynges suna, heora biscoppe, þan eorle of Orcanege, eallon þan þe on
þam scypum to lafe wæron, hi foron þa upp to uran kyninge, sworon aðas þæt hi
æfre woldon fryð freondscype into þisan lande haldan, se cyng hi let lam faran
mid .xxiiii. scypum.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn74" name="_ftnref74" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[74]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">The speed with which this all happened really comes
across in Chronicle D: Þas twa folcgefeoht wæron gefremmede binnan fif nihtan.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn75" name="_ftnref75" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[75]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Whereas up until now Chroncile C’s account of the year has offered the most
detailed narrative, Chronicle D offers historians of 1066 a tale of woe, one
that really criticizes the decisions of the Anglo-Saxons after Harold
Godwinson’s death, and lamenting the loss of life that could have been spared
by earlier surrender. Chronicle E does not even mention what happened next, but
in its effort to get on with it jumps
right into a description of the Norman Conquest, which it also speeds through
so it can get on to the very important task of relating what happened in the
local area in that same year. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The Norwegians in Chronicles C, D and E<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 175%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Chronicle C, British Library, MS
Cotton Tiberius B.i, is one of the Abingdon Chronicles, which like MS B draws
on an Abingdon Chronicle text for a lot of its material.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn76" name="_ftnref76" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[76]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
The manuscript itself was composed around 1044 and was added to after that.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn77" name="_ftnref77" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[77]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
While there are a lot of markers in the 1066 entry to indicate its later addition,
it is still thought to be roughly contemporary with the events of 1066. The
events in 1065 and 1066 have been shown by D.C. Douglas to have an
anti-Godwinist slant, which should be taken into account when reading the
events of 1066, though it is unclear how that relates to the sentiment of the
rest of the chronicle.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn78" name="_ftnref78" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[78]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
It can not be said that it did originally have an account of the Battle of
Hastings, just that the Chronicler knew about it. In the introduction of the
entry for 1066 C and D use the same text or tradition, which gives typical
markers for the year including the ascension to the throne of Harold Godwinson,
the death of the previous king Edward, and the comet. But from there C offers a
truly unique text, one that historians of the Conquest would love to have been
continued. It is very detailed, and gives motivations to Tostig and Harold for
their decisions. In this narrative the Norwegian invasion is an extension of
Tostig’s treachery. Tostig is already characterized negatively, by saying he
attacked the country and by kidnapping men in Sandwich. This is the only
Chronicle that speaks of a sort of ‘conspiracy’ with Haraldr: Tostig is not
just joining up with an already in process invasion, this Chronicle gives more
weight to the interpretation that Tostig was heavily involved in creating the
Norwegian Invasion than in Chronicle D and E. Haraldr is a surprise to the
English, but not to Tostig. Tostig also does not submit himself to Haraldr as
he does in the other Chronicles. With Haraldr Tostig is able to win against
Eadwin and the new earl of York Morkere, but even the two of them combined are
not able to defeat Harold Godwinson. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">The chronicler is also very concerned
with the loss of life on both sides. Norwegian lives lost show how well the English
are doing, but the English lives lost show at what cost: “he þær togædre fengon
swyðe heardlice lange on dæg feohtende wæron, þær wæs Harold cyning of Norwegan
Tostig eorl ofslagen, gerim folces mid heom, ægðer ge Norman age Englisca.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn79" name="_ftnref79" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[79]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Along those lines, there is a lot of futility in Harold’s actions: “man hafde
landfyrde æghwar be sæ þeh hit æt þam ende naht ne forstode.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn80" name="_ftnref80" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[80]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
The Norman Conquest, while not
described, is alluded to several times by talking about how futile the
preparations Harold made actually were. The focus on Tostig and the trials and
tribulations, and the extensive characterization of the people and events makes
for an interesting read. It also indicates that in Chronicle C, Haraldr
Harðráði and the Norwegians are props for the internal conflict amongst the
English. The original contributions of the Norwegians are played down, and the
English decisions are played up. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">According to G.P. Cubbin, Chronicle D,
British Library, Cotton MS. Tiberius B.iv, gives the ‘most patriotic’ version
of the events of 1066.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn81" name="_ftnref81" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[81]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Chronicle D is sometimes called the Worcester Manuscript, as it was found there
in 1565 and also has a particular interest in local events from both there and
from York, which is probably explained by shared interests in both regions in
the 1050s when the manuscript was first compiled.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn82" name="_ftnref82" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[82]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
D is interesting because for 1066 it uses one source that is the same as C and
one source that is the same as E. Again, the textual histories and
relationships are very diffilcut to decipher. Chronicle D takes a much more ‘us
versus them’ perspective, amplified by the presence of the ‘our king’
note. In the depictions of the
Norwegians, the Norwegians’ death alone is described in the battles fought with
them. The description of the Battle at Fulford Gate only says that Norwegians
won: “hi foron þa begen into Humbran, oð þæt hi common to Eoforwic, heom þær
wið fuhton Eadwine eorl Morkere eorl, his broðor, ac þa Normen ahton sige.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn83" name="_ftnref83" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[83]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
In the depiction of the Battle of Stamford Bridge the description of the
battlefield at the end of the battle is extensive: hig sume to scype coman,
sume adruncen, sume eac forbærnde, swa mislice forfarene þæt þær wæs lyt to
lafe, Engle ahton wælstowe geweald.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn84" name="_ftnref84" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[84]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
At the end of the battle the mercy of the English is also highlighted. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 175%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<span lang="EN-US">This us vs. them perspective continues
into the description of the Norman Conquest, as the chronicler focuses on what
the English should do differently, and not describing the Norman victory in the
same glowing and graphic terms as the Battle of Stamford Bridge. In fact there
was slaughter on both sides, showing how well the English come off. There is an
overtly pro-Anglo-Saxon version of the 1066 in this Chronicle. It differs from
C, which is about internal conflict, and presents the English as a whole.
Tostig joins up and swears fealty to Haraldr, showing that he has ultimately
become a ‘them’ and not an ‘us.’ Unintentionally, by calling Haraldr Harfagera
instead of Harðráði the chronicler in D has accidentally conflated the most
famous ‘Viking’ kings of Norway, from one the earliest to the so-called last,
into one conceptual Norwegian ‘other.’<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 175%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<span lang="EN-US">For the entry for 1066, while
Chronicle E, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Laud Misc. 636, takes a lot of its
information from the same source as Chronicle D, it is a lot shorter. Chronicle
E is also known as the Peterborough Chronicle because of its creation and
location in Peterborough and because of its heavy interest, in the form of interpolations
throughout the Chronicle, of local interest material. The entry for 1066 is a
perfect example of this, because all the national political events take up the
same amount of textual space as the local events, which are not listed in other
Chronicles. The details that are left out of E that are present in D are a lot
of the details which make the D version a pro-Anglo-Saxon text. Instead it is much
more neutral in its description. For instance, there are no appeals to God’s
mercy during the Conquest, as there are in Chronicle D. There are instead more
generic markers of the time period. Chronicle E uses national events to create
a setting for the local participation in those events.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 175%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<span lang="EN-US">However, the role of Haraldr Harðráði
is more important in E than it is in D and C. In an interesting, minor
difference between D and E, in the description of who won the battle at Fulford
Gate D says the Norwegians had the victory. E says the Norwegian king has the
victory: “hi bægen foran into Hunbran oð þet hi coman to Eoferwic, heom wið
feaht Morkere eorl Eadwine eorl, se norrena cyng ahte siges geweald.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn85" name="_ftnref85" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[85]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Though the description is not more than a few lines, Haraldr has the most agency
in E, where he meets with Tostig in Scotland and is submitted to by Tostig,
minimizing Tostig’s involvement in getting him to England. Likewise, he is a
military power-house, by being the force behind Fulford Gate. Harold Godwinson journeys
north to meet ‘him’, and slays ‘him’ and earl Tostig at the bridge, with the ‘him’
in this case referring to Haraldr Harðráði: “he com mid mycclum here engliscra
manna gemette hine æt Stængfordesbrycge hine ofsloh þone eorl Tostig eallne
þone here ahtlice ofercom.”<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftn86" name="_ftnref86" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[86]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
In Chronicle E Haraldr is a force to be reckoned with, and is reckoned with, by
King Harold Godwinson. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 175%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .25in;">
<span lang="EN-US">That all three texts are focused on
the English perspective was a foregone conclusion; we would not expect anything
different. All three texts are focused
on how these events affect the Anglo-Saxons, with the E text focused even a
little closer to home than England. But their English biases affect them here
in three different ways, especially in terms of how they characterize the
invading Norwegian force and the Norwegian King Haraldr Harðráði. Historians
have used this useful information to reconstruct the events of 1066 and the
Norwegian Invasion, and have used later chronicles and sagas to fill out the
account. But the genre of<i> Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle</i>, due to the way it is constructed, has a historicity to it that
few other sources can match and will continue to be an important source for
historians reconstructing this crucial period in English and Scandinavian
history. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<w:sdt docparttype="Bibliographies" docpartunique="t" id="340364104" sdtdocpart="t">
<h1>
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: windowtext;">Bibliography</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: windowtext; font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; font-weight: normal; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p><w:sdtpr></w:sdtpr></span></h1>
<w:sdt bibliography="t" id="111145805">
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<!--[if supportFields]><span
lang=EN-US><span style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>BIBLIOGRAPHY <span style='mso-element:field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span lang="EN-US">Bately, Janet M., ed. <i>The
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition (MS A).</i> Vol. 3. Cambridge:
D.S. Brewer, 1986.<o:p></o:p><w:sdtpr></w:sdtpr></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Brown, Michelle P. <i>Manuscripts from the Anglo-Saxon Age.</i> Toronto:
University of Toronto Press, 2007.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Conner, Patrick W., ed. <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative
Edition (The Abingdon Chronicle A.D. 956-1066).</i> Vol. 10. Cambrige: D.S.
Brewer, 1996.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Crossley-Holland, Kevin. <i>The Anglo-Saxon World.</i> 2nd. Woodbridge:
Boydell Press, 2002.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Cubbin, G.P., ed. <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition
(MS D).</i> Vol. 6. Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1996.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">DeVries, Kelly. <i>The Norwegian Invasion of England in 1066.</i>
Woodbrige: Boydell Press, 1999.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Finch, Paul. "Viking dusk at Stamford Bridge." <i>Military
History</i> 20, no. 1 (April 2003): 34-40.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Garmonsway, G.N., ed. <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.</i> London: J.M.
Dent and Sons Ltd., 1972.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Georgianna, Linda. "Periodization and Politics: The Case of the
Missing Twelfth Century in English Literary History." <i>MLQ: Modern
Language Quarterly</i> (Duke University Press) 64, no. 2 (June 2003): 153-168.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Irvine, Susan, ed. <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition
(MS E).</i> Vol. 7. Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 2004.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Reeves, Scott. "Glamping at Stamford Bridge." <i>British
Heritage</i> 33, no. 1 (March 2012): 56-59.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Rex, Peter. <i>1066: A New History of the Norman Conquest.</i> Stroud:
Amberley Publishing Plc, 2009.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Savage, Anne, trans. <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles: The Authentic Voices
of England from the time of Julius Caesar to the Coronation of Henry II.</i>
New York: Crescent Books, 1995.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Swanton, Michael J. <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.</i> New York:
Routledge, 1998.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Walker, Ian W. "Chapter Ten: Harald of Norway." In <i>Harold:
The Last Anglo-Saxon King</i>, 152-165. Stroud: Sutton Publishing Ltd., 1997.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12.0pt;">
<br /></div>
</w:sdt></w:sdt>
<div>
<!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="ftn1">
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> Scott Reeves, "Glamping at Stamford Bridge," <i>British Heritage</i>
33, no. 1 (March 2012), 57.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn2">
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 4.3pt; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -4.3pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> Linda Georgianna, "Periodization and Politics: The Case of the
Missing Twelfth Century in English <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 4.3pt; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -4.3pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-no-proof: yes;"> Literary History," <i>MLQ: Modern
Language Quarterly</i> (Duke University Press) 64, no. 2 (June 2003), </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">154.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn3">
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-no-proof: yes;"> Kelly
DeVries, <i>The Norwegian Invasion of England in 1066 (</i>Woodbrige: Boydell
Press, 1999), </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn4">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> DeVries, <i>The Norwegian Invasion, </i>5.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn5">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> DeVries, <i>The Norwegian Invasion, </i> 5<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn6">
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 4.5pt; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; tab-stops: 4.5pt; text-indent: -4.5pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> Anne Savage, trans., <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles: The Authentic Voices
of England from the time of <o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<i><span lang="EN-US"> Julius Caesar to the Coronation of Henry II (</span></i><span lang="EN-US">New York: Crescent Books, 1995),</span><span lang="EN-US"> 10.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn7">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Many historians, like Kelly DeVries, use the saga spelling for
Haraldr Harðráði and the Old English spelling for Harold Godwinson. Since this
paper is analyzing only the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle it would make sense to render
them both in Old-English, but in the end there is a lot of confusion between
Harolds. This paper instead is going to keep the saga spelling for Haraldr
Harðráði and the Old English for Harold Godwinson for clarity, and also to fit
in with current historiography. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn8">
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> Savage, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, 11.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn9">
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> Kevin
Crossley-Holland, <i>The Anglo-Saxon World,</i> 2<sup>nd</sup> ( Woodbridge:
Boydell Press, 2002), 32.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn10">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[10]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Crossley-Holland, <i>The Anglo-Saxon
World</i>, 32.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn11">
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref11" name="_ftn11" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[11]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> G.P. Cubbin, ed. <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition (MS
D).</i> Vol. 6. (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1996), xvii; Michael J. Swanton, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (</i>New
York: Routledge, 1998), xix.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn12">
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref12" name="_ftn12" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[12]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> Michelle P. Brown, <i>Manuscripts from the Anglo-Saxon Age</i> (Toronto:
University of Toronto Press, 2007), 86.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn13">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref13" name="_ftn13" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[13]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Savage, <i>The Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle</i>, 10.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn14">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref14" name="_ftn14" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[14]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Swanton, <i>The Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle</i>, xix.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn15">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref15" name="_ftn15" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[15]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Cubbin, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
xvii.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn16">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref16" name="_ftn16" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[16]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Swanton, <i>The Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle</i>, xvii-xviii.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn17">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref17" name="_ftn17" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[17]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Crossley-Holland, <i>The Anglo-Saxon
World</i>, 32.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn18">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref18" name="_ftn18" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[18]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Swanton, <i>The Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle</i>, xxxi.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn19">
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref19" name="_ftn19" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[19]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> G.N. Garmonsway, ed. <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (</i>London: J.M. Dent
and Sons Ltd., 1972), xxxiii.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn20">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref20" name="_ftn20" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[20]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Garmonsway, <i>The Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle</i>, xxxiii; Savage 11<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn21">
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 9.35pt; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -9.35pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref21" name="_ftn21" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[21]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> Susan Irvine ed., <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition
(MS E),</i> Vol. 7 (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 2004), xxii-xxiii.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn22">
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 9.0pt; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -9.0pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref22" name="_ftn22" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[22]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> Patrick W., Conner ed., <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative
Edition (The Abingdon Chronicle A.D. 956-1066).</i> Vol. 10. (Cambrige: D.S.
Brewer, 1996), 36. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Just as it subsequently came to pass<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn23">
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref23" name="_ftn23" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[23]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> Janet M. Bately, ed., <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative
Edition (MS A).</i> Vol. 3. (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1986), 35. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 9.35pt; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -9.35pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">In this year came William
and conquered England. In this year Christ Church was burned.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn24">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref24" name="_ftn24" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[24]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Swanton, <i>The Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle</i>, xxxi.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn25">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref25" name="_ftn25" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[25]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Garmonsway, <i>The Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle,</i> xxxvii.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn26">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref26" name="_ftn26" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[26]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Garmonsway, <i>The Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle,</i> xxxvi.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn27">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref27" name="_ftn27" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[27]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Irvine, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
xxii-xxxiii; Garmonsway, <i>The Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle</i>, xli.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn28">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref28" name="_ftn28" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[28]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Swanton, <i>The Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle</i>, xv.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn29">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref29" name="_ftn29" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[29]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Swanton, <i>The Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle</i>, xv.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn30">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref30" name="_ftn30" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[30]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Savage, <i>The Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle</i>, 10; Swanton, <i>The
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, xv.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn31">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref31" name="_ftn31" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[31]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> MS C þisum<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn32">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref32" name="_ftn32" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[32]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> MS C kyng<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn33">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref33" name="_ftn33" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[33]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> MS C middan wintran<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn34">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref34" name="_ftn34" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[34]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> MS C kyng<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn35">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref35" name="_ftn35" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[35]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> M C dæig<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn36">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref36" name="_ftn36" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[36]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> Cubbin, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, 79.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">In this year came king
Harold from York to Westminster, the Easter following the Christmas of the
king’s death, Easter being on 16 April. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn37">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref37" name="_ftn37" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[37]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> Irvine, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, 86.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1066. In this year the
abbey church at Westminster was consecrated on Holy Innocents’ day [28
December], and king Edward passed away on the vigil of, and was buried on,
Epiphany [6 January] in the newly consecrated abbey church of Westminster. Earl
Harold succeeded to the kingdom of England as the king granted it to him and as
he was elected thereto. He was consecrated king on Epiphany. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn38">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref38" name="_ftn38" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[38]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Crossley-Holland, <i>The Anglo-Saxon
World</i>, 33.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn39">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref39" name="_ftn39" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[39]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> DeVries, <i>The Norwegian
Invasion</i>, 240.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn40">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref40" name="_ftn40" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[40]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> MS D man<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn41">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref41" name="_ftn41" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[41]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> MS D geseah<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn42">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref42" name="_ftn42" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[42]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> MS D cwedon<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn43">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref43" name="_ftn43" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[43]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> MS D hit<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn44">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref44" name="_ftn44" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[44]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> MS D faexedon<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn45">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref45" name="_ftn45" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[45]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> MS D kalendas<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn46">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref46" name="_ftn46" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[46]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> MS D scan<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn47">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref47" name="_ftn47" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[47]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> MS D seofon<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn48">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref48" name="_ftn48" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[48]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> Conner, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, </i> 36.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> At that time, throughout all England, a
portent such as men had never seen before was seen in the heavens. Some
declared that the star was a comet, which some call ‘the long-haired star’: it
first appeared on the eve of the festival of Letania maior, which is on 24
April, and shone every night for a week.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn49">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref49" name="_ftn49" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[49]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> MS E hwile<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn50">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref50" name="_ftn50" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[50]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> MS E lx<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn51">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref51" name="_ftn51" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[51]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> MS E landfyrde<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn52">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref52" name="_ftn52" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[52]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> MS E adraf<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn53">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref53" name="_ftn53" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[53]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> MS E butsecarlas<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn54">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref54" name="_ftn54" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[54]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Cubbin, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
80.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Meanwhile earl Tostig came into the
Humber with sixty ships, and earl Edwin came with land levies and drove him
out, and the shipmen deserted him.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn55">
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .5in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref55" name="_ftn55" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[55]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> Paul Finch, "Viking dusk at Stamford Bridge," <i>Military
History</i> 20, no. 1 (April 2003), 37.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn56">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref56" name="_ftn56" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[56]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Cubbin, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
79.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">King Harold, his brother, gathered
together greater naval and land hosts than any king had ever done in this
country, because he was informed that William the Bastard was about to invade
this land to conquer it, just as it subsequently came to pass.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn57">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref57" name="_ftn57" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[57]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Irvine, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
86.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">In the same year in which he became
king, he sailed out against William with a naval force. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn58">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref58" name="_ftn58" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[58]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Irvine, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
87.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Although in the end it was all to no
purpose.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn59">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref59" name="_ftn59" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[59]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Conner, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, 37. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">And earl Tostig joined him, as they
had previously agreed, with all the host he had been able to muster.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn60">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref60" name="_ftn60" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[60]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Cubbin, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
80.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Together they sailed into the Humber
until they came to York.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn61">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref61" name="_ftn61" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[61]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Cubbin, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
80.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Where earl Eadwin and earl Morkere,
his brother, fought against them, but the Norwegians had the victory. Then king
Harold was informed how the fight had gone – it took place on the vigil of St
Matthew’s day [20 September].<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn62">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref62" name="_ftn62" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[62]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Irvine, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
87.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Together they sailed into the Humber
until they came to York, where earl Morcar and earl Edwin fought against them,
and the Norwegian king gained the victory.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn63">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref63" name="_ftn63" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[63]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Conner, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
38. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Earl Eadwin and earl Morkere had
gathered as great a force as they could from their earldom, and fought that
host and made great slaughter of them; but a great number of the English were
either slain or drowned or driven in flight, and the Norwegians had possession
of the place of slaughter.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn64">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref64" name="_ftn64" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[64]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Conner, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
38.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">After the battle king Harold of
Norway and earl Tostig entered York with as great a force as seemed to them
necessary and received hostages from the borough, besides assistance in the way
of provisions, and so retired thence to their ships. They offered to conclude
an abiding peace with the citizens provided that they all marched southwards
with them to conquer this realm.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn65">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref65" name="_ftn65" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[65]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> Conner, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, 38.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Then meanwhile came
Harold, the king of the English, with all his levies on the Sunday to Tadcaster
and there drew up his household troops in battle order; and on the Monday he
marched through York. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn66">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref66" name="_ftn66" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[66]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Irvine, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
87.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">When king Harold was informed what
had happened and come to pass, he came with a great host of Englishmen, and met
him at Stamford Bridge, and slew him and earl Tostig and courageously defeated
all that host.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn67">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref67" name="_ftn67" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[67]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Cubbin, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, 80.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Then Harold our king came
unexpectedly upon the Norwegians, and met them beyond York at Stamford Bridge
with a great host of Englishmen, and that day a very stubborn battle was fought
by both sides. They were slain Harold the Fairhaired [recte Hardrada] and earl
Tostig, and the remaining Norwegians were put to flight, while the English
piercely assailed their rear until some of them reached their ships: some were
drowned, others burnt to death, and thus perished in various ways so that there
were few survivors, and the English had possession of the place of slaughter.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn68">
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 9.0pt; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-indent: -9.0pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref68" name="_ftn68" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[68]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> Ian W. Walker, "Chapter Ten: Harald of Norway," in <i>Harold:
The Last Anglo-Saxon King</i>, (Stroud: Sutton Publishing Ltd., 1997),
161.</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn69">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref69" name="_ftn69" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[69]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Conner, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
38. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Harold, king of Norway, and earl
Tostig and their force had gone from their ships beyond York to Stamford
Bridge, for it had been expressly promised them that hostages would be brought
to meet them there from the whole of the shire. Then Harold, king of the
English, came upon them unawares beyond the bridge. They joined battle and
fierce fighting went on until late in the day; and there Harold, king of
Norway, was slain and earl Tostig and countless numbers of men with them, both
English and Norwegians.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn70">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref70" name="_ftn70" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[70]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Cubbin, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, 80. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">The Norwegians fled from the English,
but there was one Norwegian who stood firm against the English forces, so that
they could not cross the bridge nor clinch victory. An Englishman shot with an
arrow but to no avail, and another went under the bridge and stabbed him
through under the coat of mail. Then Harold, king of English, crossed the
bridge and his levies went forward with him; and there made great slaughter of
both Norwegians and Flemings.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn71">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref71" name="_ftn71" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[71]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Walker, “Chapter 10,” 162-3.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn72">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref72" name="_ftn72" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[72]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> DeVries, <i>The Norwegian Invasion,</i>
283.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn73">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref73" name="_ftn73" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[73]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Conner, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
39. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">And Harold let the king’s son, who
was called Mundus [the ‘Elegant’], return to Norway with all the ships.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn74">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref74" name="_ftn74" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[74]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Cubbin, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
80.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">The king then gave quarter to Olaf,
the son of the king of the Norwegians, to their bishop, to the jarl of Orkney,
and to all those who were left aboard the ships. They then went inland to our
king, and swore oaths that they would ever maintain peace and friendship with
this land; and the king let them sail home with twenty-four ships.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn75">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref75" name="_ftn75" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[75]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Cubbin, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
80.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">These two pitched battles were fought
within five days.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn76">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref76" name="_ftn76" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[76]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Conner, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
vii.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn77">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref77" name="_ftn77" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[77]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Conner, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
xxxiv.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn78">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref78" name="_ftn78" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[78]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Conner, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, lxviii.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn79">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref79" name="_ftn79" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[79]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Conner, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i></span><span lang="EN-US">, 39. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">They joined battle and fierce
fighting went on until late in the day; and there Harold, king of Norway, was
slain and earl Tostig and countless numbers of men with them, both English and
Norwegians.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn80">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref80" name="_ftn80" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[80]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Conner, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
36. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Although in the end it was all to no
purpose (also quoted above). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn81">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref81" name="_ftn81" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[81]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Cubbin, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, lxxviii.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn82">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref82" name="_ftn82" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[82]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Cubbin, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
ix, liv.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn83">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref83" name="_ftn83" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[83]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Cubbin, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
80.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Together they sailed into the Humber
until they came to York, where earl Eadwin and earl Morkere, his brother,
fought against them, but the Norwegians had the victory. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn84">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref84" name="_ftn84" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[84]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Cubbin, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i></span><span lang="EN-US">, 80.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Some of them reached their ships:
some were drowned, others burnt to death, and thus perished in various ways so
that there were few survivors, and the English had possession of the place of
slaughter.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn85">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref85" name="_ftn85" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[85]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Irvine, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>,
87. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Together they sailed into the Humber
until they came to York, where earl Morcar and earl Edwin fought against them,
and the Norwegian king gained the victory.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn86">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Meganator/Documents/PhD/Engl%206760/The%201066%20Norwegian%20Invasion%20of%20England%20and%20the%20Anglo-Saxon%20Chronicle.docx#_ftnref86" name="_ftn86" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[86]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> Irvine, <i>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, 87. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%;">He came with a great host
of Englishmen, and met him at Stamford Bridge, and slew him and earl Tostig and
courageously defeated all that host<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-72473236110541162642012-12-30T18:14:00.000-08:002012-12-30T18:14:04.750-08:00Alfred the Little: Medievalism, politics and the poet laureate<br />
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<span lang="EN-US">Megan Arnott<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">November 27, 2012<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">ENGL 6400: The Nature of Poetry<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Dr. Daneen Wardrop<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">I
don’t wish to be harsh,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">But two Anglo-Saxon
lovers, in a damp,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">‘low-lying
marsh,’<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Hardly talked such twiddle-twaddle,
when he had<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">to
fight the Dane,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">As a couple of
canoodlers in a Cockney Lovers’<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Lane.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">…<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">There be ‘Patriots’
and ‘poets,’ my dear<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">ALFRED,
wits and cits,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Who the muzzle and
strait-jacket seem, at seasons,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">to
require.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">(“Alfred to Alfred,” published anonymously in <i>Punch,</i> February 1896)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">On
January the 11<sup>th</sup>, 1896 the magazine<i> Punch </i>published a cartoon of poet laureate Alfred Austin wearing
the classic poet’s garb, complete with sandals and laurels, reaching for a
lyre, which is just out of reach. The caption reads: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Alfred the Little.
Sir Edw-n Arn-ld (bitterly) “Fortunatus! Ha Ha!” Sir L-w-s M-rr-s (moodily):
“England’s Darling? He! He!” “The Queen has been pleased to appoint Alfred
Austin, Esq. to be Poet Laureate to Her Majesty” – Daily Papers, January 1,
1896. (Alfred the Little, 1896)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">There are several reasons why the name Alfred the Little
was a biting criticism of the new poet laureate, the most obvious being that he
was very short, barely five feet tall. (Cromwell 203). But his size wouldn’t
have drawn the attention of critics like the editors of punch, save that it
didn’t match the grandeur of Austin’s ego. Norton Cromwell, who wrote the
biography of Austin in the middle of the twentieth century, stated that Austin
was a target because his “inimitable egotism, unrelieved by any trace of humor,
sent the nation into guffaws of laughter.” (Cromwell 198) In addition,
publications like<i> Punch</i> didn’t
believe that Austin had anything to be egotistical about. Upon his death, the Washington Post, in
Austin’s obituary, quoted a critical review of Austin’s work: “if he has
written nothing that greatly thrills the reader, he has written many verses
over which one would not willingly fall asleep.” (Washington Post) One of the
major reasons his work attracted so much critical attention was because he
followed Alfred Tennyson as poet laureate, which also contributed to the
aptness of the nickname Alfred the Little. Upon his appointment to the position
in January of 1896 the <i>Critic</i>, the
British literary magazine,<i> </i>wrote in
its ‘Notes’ section that “Mr. Austin has been a prolific writer, but at sixty
he has made but little reputation as a poet. One thing, however, he has in
common with his predecessor: his Christian name. Tennyson has occasionally been
called Alfred the Great. He will be called so oftener hereafter.’” (Cromwell 156)
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">But the true irony of the nickname came
from his publication, in the same year, of <i>England’s
Darling</i>, a drama of Alfred the Great, the King of Wessex who ruled from 871-899,
written in verse. (BBC British History) It was one of the most widely
criticized of Austin’s works. (Cromwell 232) Not only did he publish it in the
same year that he would subject himself to the most scrutiny, but it is
acknowledged to make poor use of archaic language, lack any semblance of
realism, and say nothing except generally acknowledged facts about Alfred.
(Cromwell 234). No doubt Austin wrote it keeping in mind Tennyson’s <i>Harold </i>from 1876 or <i>Becket</i> from 1884. (Cromwell 254) <i>England’s Darling</i> was a sappy, nationalistic title for a mediocre
play. In addition the commonality between the name of the poet and the
Anglo-Saxon king gave critics like the editors of <i>Punch</i> a lot of fuel for their satires, including the cartoon and
the satirical poem that appears above entitled <i>Alfred to Alfred,</i> which speaks with the voice of King Alfred the
Great to cut down the work of Alfred the Little. (Cromwell 232)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">The nickname also solidified Alfred’s
association with the medieval, a permanent juxtaposition with the Anglo-Saxon
king who was the subject of Austin’s verse. <i>England’s
Darling</i> is an example of Alfred Austin’s use of medievalism. In the drama Austin
uses a medieval setting and a medieval hero to communicate with his Victorian
audience. The selection of the medieval is not chosen for the possibility of
lavish sets or for period costumes. Instead it is chosen because of what the
subject matter means to the audience and because of its utility as a tool
Austin can use to showcase his political stances to the public. <w:sdt citation="t" id="1406493572"><!--[if supportFields]><span style='mso-element:
field-begin'></span>CITATION Sim11 \p 81 \l 1033 <span style='mso-element:
field-separator'></span><![endif]-->(Simmons,
Popular Medievalisms in Romantic Era Britain 81)<!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span><![endif]--></w:sdt><span style="color: red;"> </span>Through the medievalism in his poetry, Alfred Austin
communicates his politics. He also uses medievalism to make political statements
to other poets about the nature of good poetry. Finally, through the
medievalism in his poems Alfred Austin communicates what he feels the poet
laureate, as a political position, ought to communicate to an eager, and
sometimes not so eager, public. The medieval, in Austin’s poems, is a
manifestation of the political position of the poet laureate. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<b><span lang="EN-US">Politics and the
Poet Laureate<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Clearly the position of poet laureate
is a political one, but it was particularly so during Alfred Austin’s tenure. William
Morris, after Austin’s appointment said of the position: “the poet laureateship
is a court office that has been accidentally held by two great poets – Dryden
and Tennyson … It is the queen’s right to choose whom she likes; nobody cares
very much whom she selects.” (Washington Post) Having a poet laureate is a
political move. Some of the possible political functions of the position
include associating the state with culture and tradition and providing the
state with a source of propaganda. The appointment of Alfred Austin was
definitely political, particularly after Tennyson’s death. Many people, poets
and politicians alike, felt that Tennyson so aptly filled the role that perhaps
the title should be retired. Answering a questionnaire in the <i>Idler</i> as to who should be laureate,
Grant Allen replied “I have great difficulty in answering the question, because
I don’t think we ought to have a laureate at all.” George Manville Fenn
answered the same questionnaire “Better that the old office should die with the
nineteenth century.” (Cromwell 139-140) Yet there was also sentiment that a
candidate should be found to replace Tennyson, to commemorate important events
and decisions with poetry. (Cromwell
140) The government found a willing supporter in Alfred Austin. <span style="color: red;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">In 1883 Alfred Austin was one of two
founders of the Conservative paper, <i>The
National Review</i>. (Cromwell 18) Austin’s appointment was considered by his
contemporaries to be a political appointment because of his existing
relationship with Conservative Prime Minister Lord Salisbury and with the Tory
party. <w:sdt citation="t" id="1008947385"><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>CITATION Alf12 \l 1033 <span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span><![endif]--> (Alfred Austin)<!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span><![endif]--></w:sdt> Austin also had
developed a relationship with Queen Victoria. In 1887, the year of her first
jubilee, Austin dedicated his work <i>Prince
Lucifer</i> to her. In his autobiography Austin says that Victoria spoke to him
at a party, thanking him for his “beautiful poem.” <w:sdt citation="t" id="-707788333"><!--[if supportFields]><span style='mso-element:field-begin'></span>CITATION
Aus11 \p "II: 208" \l 1033 <span style='mso-element:field-separator'></span><![endif]-->(Austin, The Autobiography of Alfred Auston Poet
Laureate: 1835-1910 II: 208)<!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span><![endif]--></w:sdt> In later years, when
asked why he appointed Austin to the position of poet laureate, Lord Salisbury
is reported to have replied “For the best possible reason, because he wanted
it.” <w:sdt citation="t" id="-1736320402"><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span>CITATION Cro55 \p 157 \l 1033 <span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span><![endif]-->(Cromwell 157)<!--[if supportFields]><span style='mso-element:
field-end'></span><![endif]--></w:sdt> But Austin’s political friends couldn’t
keep back the criticism and it was piled on high and deep. Cromwell notes “to
the Queen, for instance, he addressed only eight laureate poems, and yet to
read the criticism of the period, one would gather that he wrote them almost
weekly during her reign.” (Cromwell 266)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">In part the criticism Austin suffered
was undeserved – a matter of unfortunate timing and serious ambition. However,
Austin’s outward political stance, in addition to the mediocrity of the poetry,
became the basis of the attacks, which seemed deserved because of how seriously
he seemed to take the role of poet laureate. Stuart P. Sherman, writing for <i>The Nation</i> said of Austin that he was
“the last minstrel of Toryism. As he writes, he feels himself soothed,
sustained, and magnified by the support of the landed gentlemen of England. He
is not, he fancies, dipping his pen into the shallow well of egotism, but into
the inexhaustible springs of English sentiment.” <w:sdt citation="t" id="-900517764"><!--[if supportFields]><span style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>CITATION Alf12 \l 1033 <span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span><![endif]-->(Alfred Austin)<!--[if supportFields]><span style='mso-element:
field-end'></span><![endif]--></w:sdt> As poet laureate Austin felt he
represented the nation, though his critics would have considered that a poor
representation. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Of Austin’s politics, Cromwell states
that “beginning as a Liberal (he was a radical for a short while), he soon
became a militant Tory of the old school and defended the policies and acts of
his party with the same consistency with which he energetically condemned those
of his opponents, whom he detested with a blind mistrust born of fear of change
and of popular rule.” (Cromwell 12) Austin ran twice for the Tory party and was
defeated both times. <w:sdt citation="t" id="-1557776420"><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span>CITATION Aus11 \p I:188 \l 1033 <span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span><![endif]-->(Austin, The Autobiography of Alfred Auston Poet Laureate: 1835-1910
I:188)<!--[if supportFields]><span style='mso-element:field-end'></span><![endif]--></w:sdt>
However, as poet laureate Austin found his true political calling. Throughout
his career as laureate, from 1896 until his death in 1913, Austin tried to
“guide the thinking of the nation into the paths that make it great: [the poet
laureate] must, then, instill the spirit of patriotism into each heart.”
(Cromwell 188) In the <i>Quarterly Review</i>
in January, 1880 Austin stated that: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">there
never must come a time when the rulers of this country think it within the
province of their duty, even to contemplate as a possibility the smallest
diminution of the territories of the British Empire, or to shrink from their
forcible extension, if the only choice lies between advance and retreat. They
should perpetually bear in mind that to the English race, as to the Roman, an
imperial commission has been given. (Cromwell 189) <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt 0.5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">To keep England on this course the poet laureate also
must remind people about their heritage, and fight the “lassitude” that Austin
felt was part of his age (Cromwell 190, 192). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">In 1870 Austin wrote in <i>The Poetry of the Period</i>, a critique of
contemporary literary works, that “nobody will deny that ours is a particularly
vainglorious age; and, being such, it would be painful to confess that it has
not produced a first-rate specimen of what it has hitherto been the universal
creed to believe the highest mental type of humanity – viz. a really great
poet.“ <w:sdt citation="t" id="684708794"><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span>CITATION Aus70 \p 37 \l 1033 <span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span><![endif]-->(Austin, The Poetry of the Period 37)<!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span><![endif]--></w:sdt> Austin, trying to
correct the lassitude of his age, went after contemporary poets, though mostly
before he was appointed to the position of poet laureate. However, with these
kind of inflammatory statements Austin placed himself forever in the realm of
literary politics, a realm that was clearly unkind to him. In works of poetry
theory Austin used Byron as an example of good poetry. In his work, <i>The Vindication of Lord Byron</i> Austin
states “literary criticism has long been dead amongst us, and the current
opinions of fashionable conventionalists have fondly attached themselves to the
more feminine and academical verse of their own smaller day.” <w:sdt citation="t" id="-619920036"><!--[if supportFields]><span style='mso-element:
field-begin'></span>CITATION Aus69 \p 11-12 \l 1033 <span style='mso-element:
field-separator'></span><![endif]-->(Austin, A
Vindication of Lord Byron 11-12)<!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span><![endif]--></w:sdt> According to Austin,
Byron alone is the equal of Shakespeare. Austin’s devotion, and the fact that
his poetry fell far short of Byron’s, in the end was another source of pleasure
for his contemporary detractors. <span style="color: red;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: red;"> </span><i><span lang="EN-US">The Poetry of the Period</span></i><span lang="EN-US"> was filled with
inflammatory essays about contemporary poets, such as Tennyson, the then poet
laureate. Austin argued that he failed to write a magnum opus or give “frequent
or even occasional utterance to really great poetical thoughts, or to poetical
images really sublime.” <w:sdt citation="t" id="-1491166959"><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span>CITATION Aus70 \p 12 \l 1033 <span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span><![endif]-->(Austin, The Poetry of the Period 12)<!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span><![endif]--></w:sdt> In the second essay
he goes after Robert Browning harshly. In response Browning dubbed Austin the “Banjo-Byron
that twangs the strum-strum there.” (Cromwell 24) ‘Banjo-Byron’ was another
nick-name that stuck. (Cromwell vii, 107) In the fourth essay in the collection
he went after Matthew Arnold and William Morris, ironically for seeking escape
in the past. Austin critiqued Arnold for escaping to the classical period and
Morris for escaping to the Viking period. (Cromwell 124) Austin says of Morris
“he finds no life in anything living, in anything round and about him; and he
feels no impulse to strive vainly to vitalize them.” <w:sdt citation="t" id="-294684354"><!--[if supportFields]><span style='mso-element:field-begin'></span>CITATION
Aus70 \p 145 \l 1033 <span style='mso-element:field-separator'></span><![endif]-->(Austin, The Poetry of the Period 145)<!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span><![endif]--></w:sdt> As poet laureate
Austin does not attempt to engage in what Cromwell calls ‘frontal assaults’ on
poets. (Cromwell 130) Instead he tries to become the embodiment of what he
claims is good poetry, never completely changing his theoretical standpoint he
expressed in his earlier essays despite the passage of years. His poetry does,
however, become more political as the poet aged and it is not until after he is
made poet laureate that the medieval becomes a staple subject of his poetry. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">In Austin’s poetry there is a
conflation between his political views and his stance on what makes a good
poem. Much of his criticism of other poets is about how what they write is too
feminine. (Cromwell 133) This is one of his major criticisms of Tennyson. In
his Autobiography Austin tells a story of playing croquet and finding his
friend quite agreed with him that “Tennyson’s muse was rather a feminine than a
masculine one in tone and power.” <w:sdt citation="t" id="282391002"><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span>CITATION Aus11 \p "I: 1-2" \l
1033 <span style='mso-element:field-separator'></span><![endif]-->(Austin, The Autobiography of Alfred Auston Poet
Laureate: 1835-1910 I: 1-2)<!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span><![endif]--></w:sdt> He both hung to the
belief that poetic achievement was a “matter of spontaneous achievement” and
that good poetry was crafted in a masculine way. (Cromwell 9) It is hard then
to separate his poetical theory from his political anti-feminism. In his essay
entitled “Female Suffrage, Society and State,” published in the Times on
January 7, 1909,<span style="color: red;"> </span>Austin asked “Will anyone deny
that, in great emergencies, men are, as a rule and collectively, calmer and
more submissive to sound judgment than women, whose virtues reside rather in
another direction?’” (Cromwell 14) In light of the so-called ‘masculinity’ of his
poetry, as tenuous a statement as the reader might consider that today, it makes
sense that much of Austin’s poetry would contain grand statements of jingoism.
Intense patriotism would be both a political stance, as well as a fulfillment
of what Austin would consider to be good poetry. And the medieval would be a
perfect subject matter.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<b><span lang="EN-US">The Medieval as
an Expression of the Political <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">How can Austin criticize William Morris
for escaping into a heroic Viking past, and then write a poem entitled <i>Death of Harold Hardrada</i>, about the king
of Norway, or Viking, who battled Harold Godwinson at Stamford Bridge during
the Norman Conquest? Clare Simmons, analyzing the use of the medieval in
nineteenth century literature in her book <i>Popular
Medievalisms in Romantic Era Britain</i>, says that “medievalism is
persistently comparative, compelling some level of conscious contrast between
the reader’s (or observer’s) present and the recreated medieval past” and “although
it may generalize the Middle Ages, it particularizes the present, making the
reader aware of the specific conditions of his or her historical moment.” <w:sdt citation="t" id="1454289590"><!--[if supportFields]><span style='mso-element:
field-begin'></span>CITATION Sim11 \p 12 \l 1033 <span style='mso-element:
field-separator'></span><![endif]-->(Simmons,
Popular Medievalisms in Romantic Era Britain 12)<!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span><![endif]--></w:sdt> Austin’s
perspectives on poetry changed as he matured, became more jingoistic, so that
may have allowed him to take on the medieval subject after dismissing it in
other poets. Cromwell states that he changed because his conservatism grew,
because he was satisfied with his temporal lot, but largely because he was
driven by imperialist and patriotic zeal. (Cromwell 96) But also, even in his
completely medievalist works, where the setting and subject are entirely
medieval, he is referring to his own historical moment. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">For instance, embedded within the poem
Austin wrote as the poet laureate for Queen Victoria’s Diamond Jubilee, Austin
makes a comparison with Alfred the Great: “Thus with grave utterance and
majestic mien/ She with her eighteen summers filled the Throne/Where Alfred
sate: a girl, withal a Queen,/ Aloft, alone!” (XIV, 1-4) Alfred, the great
Anglo-Saxon (read English) king, is a model that the Queen lives up to. Austin
feels that this is a reference that will mean something in the present to his
readers. In <i>Alfred’s Song</i>, a poem
within <i>England’s Darling</i>, the poem
flips back and forth between images of Alfred himself and then what may be
Alfred’s vision: “And strong on his oars the sea-borne Saxon,/ And now the
Norsemen/ Who hard with Alfred/ Wrestle for England./ But onward and forward,/
In far days fairer,/ I see this England/ Made one and mighty: Mighty and
master/ Of men high-seated,/ Of free-necked labour,/ Lowland and upland,/And
corn and cattle/…This is the England,/ In fair days forward,/ I see and sing
of.” (26-47) In Austin’s poems the medieval is used as a lens through which the
reader sees their own period, as well as Austin’s take on current events. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> Alfred
Austin could choose from a wide range of British medieval history as a subject
of his poetry. His choices reflect his political leanings. Austin had a
preoccupation with Alfred, as is seen from his play <i>England’s Darling</i>, his comparison of Queen Victoria to King Alfred
in the Diamond Jubilee poem and in another poem entitled <i>The Spotless King</i>, written in 1901 for the Millenary Celebrations
at Winchester. (Lyra Historica 20) Austin also wrote poems about the Conquest,
including <i>Harold and Tostig</i> and<i> Death of Harold Hardrada</i>.
Overwhelmingly, Austin’s medieval subject matter is Anglo-Saxon. In the
Victorian age Simmons has identified the establishment of a binary between
Norman and Saxon, between invader and ‘English.’ This is a time when scholars
called the language of the Anglo Saxons Old English, having called it
Anglo-Saxon up to that point. <w:sdt citation="t" id="-1833908461"><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span>CITATION Sim90 \p 184 \l 1033 <span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span><![endif]-->(Simmons, Reversing the Conquest: History and Myth in Nineteenth Century
British Literature 184)<!--[if supportFields]><span style='mso-element:
field-end'></span><![endif]--></w:sdt> Simmons, in her book <i>Reversing the Conquest</i>, states that the
Victorian period was a time “when moral judgments and heroes and villains were
seen to be a valid part of history.” <w:sdt citation="t" id="-1476514375"><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span>CITATION Sim90 \p 12 \l 1033 <span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span><![endif]-->(Simmons, Reversing the Conquest: History and Myth in Nineteenth Century
British Literature 12)<!--[if supportFields]><span style='mso-element:
field-end'></span><![endif]--></w:sdt> She also states that “contrasts between
individual characters and the sense of what constituted a Saxon or a Norman
retained a flexibility dependent on both ideology and creativity.” <w:sdt citation="t" id="-94252770"><!--[if supportFields]><span style='mso-element:
field-begin'></span>CITATION Sim90 \p 12 \l 1033 <span style='mso-element:
field-separator'></span><![endif]-->(Simmons,
Reversing the Conquest: History and Myth in Nineteenth Century British Literature
12)<!--[if supportFields]><span style='mso-element:field-end'></span><![endif]--></w:sdt>
From Austin’s perspective the ancestors of the English were the Anglo-Saxons.
Cromwell suggests that “the word [ancestral] grows in importance in [Austin’s]
vocabulary as the years come upon him.” (Cromwell 71) In Austin’s take on
medieval history the Anglo-Saxons are privileged due to their inherently
indigenous nature (as compared to other people within the history) and so are
good stand-ins for all of England. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> This
makes Austin’s medievalism a perfect outlet for his jingoism. Austin’s jingoism
had more weight than it would have had he not been poet laureate. (Cromwell
196) However, he might not have been such a jingoist if he had not felt that
the position of poet laureate called for it. Cromwell suggests that the
association of imperialism and patriotism with the past was a natural one: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">for one cannot
understand the romantic, sentimental Victorian imperialism unless one keeps in
mind that it did not become hysterically popular until people had made the
association of the grand old aristocratic England – the England of tradition
and legend – with imperialism. The whole movement is closely tied up with
nostalgic patriotism, love of everything which time had demonstrated to be
thoroughly British. (Cromwell 178)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">As we have already seen Austin associated Queen Victoria
with King Alfred. He made her the embodiment of English monarchy by showing her
connection to the Saxons and allowing her to stand in for England.<w:sdt citation="t" id="-1046674135"><!--[if supportFields]><span style='mso-element:
field-begin'></span>CITATION Sim90 \p 177 \l 1033 <span style='mso-element:
field-separator'></span><![endif]--> (Simmons, Reversing the Conquest: History and
Myth in Nineteenth Century British Literature 177)<!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span><![endif]--></w:sdt> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US"> As
the embodiment of England, Alfred the Saxon king can do no wrong. In <i>The Spotless King</i> Alfred is just that,
spotless: “Some lights there be within the Heavenly Spheres/ Yet unrevealed,
the interspace so vast: / So through the distance of a thousand years/ Alfred’s
full radiance shines on us at last.” (1-4). In addition to representing the
country as the nation ‘the spotless king teaches us to love our country: “Of
valour, virtue, letters, learning, law,/ Pattern and prince, His name will now
abide,/ Long as of conscience Rulers live in awe, / And love of country is
their only pride.” (9-12). Austin used medievalism to exhort the people of
England to act and to love their country. He used the medieval as an example of
England’s glorious past and rich heritage but also as an example that should be
followed. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The medieval poems are a sub-genre of
Austin’s martial poems, implying courage and honour and traditional masculine
values. In Austin’s construction of a medieval image he uses exclusively martial
ones. Almost all of his medievalist poems include battle scenes, like in <i>Harold and Tostig</i>: “FORTH from/
England’s ranks a score of horsemen/ Ride, their chargers mailed, and mailed
their riders./ Near the Northmen’s steel array up-reining.” (1-3) Many images
Austin uses are such formulaic descriptions of battle that it could be implying
medieval warfare, though it is impossible to prove that that was the intention
of the poet or the understanding of the reader. But his martial images were
used throughout his poetic career. In 1871 Austin wrote <i>The Golden Age</i>, a satire, including poetic verse such as: “When
gallant Denmark, now the spoiler’s prey,/ Flashed her bright blade, and faced
the unequal fray,/ And all abandoned both by men and gods,/ Fell, faint with
wounds, before accursed odds, - / Where, where was England’s vindicating
sword,/ Her promised arm, to stop the invading horde; / Bid the rude German
drop his half-clutched spoil,/ And scare the robber from ancestral soil?” (Cromwell
70). The use of words like ‘ancestral’, which Cromwell said was Austin’s
‘shibboleth,’ or ‘invading horde’ suggest medieval themes, especially in
comparison with Austin’s other clearly medieval poems. He may have been
influenced by the medieval, but this poetic description of the attack on
Denmark by Prussia and Austria, again, may not have been understood that way by
author or audience (Cromwell 70) <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Likewise, Austin re-uses his militaristic
metaphors throughout his career. Images that represent England and ‘Britannia,’
many of which have roots in the Middle Ages, are often repeated. The overuse of
the same imagery is one of the many criticisms of Austin’s poetry; he repeats
“the British lion ‘crisping his mane’: the rolling ramparts; the bastion of the
brine; the fawning foam; England smiling in victory, hand on undrawn sword; the
girding of loins, etc.” (Cromwell 195) If we take the sword as an example, this
is an image that is repeated in the volume <i>Songs
of England</i> at least fourteen times in twenty-four poems. Austin personally
presented <i>Songs of England</i> to
soldiers headed to the Boer War. (Cromwell 196) The poems within the volume all
celebrate England and martial prowess. And the image of the sword is
everywhere, for instance in <i>Who Would Not
Die for England </i>he uses the image “Let me go,/ Go where they go, Her
world-researching race,/ That slumber pillow on the half-drawn sword,” (22-24).
In <i>Why England is Conservative</i> the
image is “what though no more we brandish sword and shield, reason’s keen blade
is ready at our side.” (II, 5-6). In his later poems Austin embraces the
blatantly medieval, but throughout his career the military imagery was a
stand-in for England’s militaristic might. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The martial/medieval poems are
guaranteed to be masculine poetry, by what we can perceive as Austin’s
standards. The medieval, as part of the martial, is then an excellent tool that
Austin can use to demonstrate both his anti-feminism and his anti-feminist
poetry. Austin insisted that women’s influence on art “has been unmitigatedly
mischievous.” <w:sdt citation="t" id="-1851793488"><!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-begin'></span>CITATION Aus70 \p 79-94 \l 1033 <span
style='mso-element:field-separator'></span><![endif]-->(Austin, The Poetry of the Period 79-94)<!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span><![endif]--></w:sdt> In the medieval
poems women have no role, except in <i>Death
of Harold Hardrada</i> where he says “Long his Queen shall watching look to
westward,/ Look across the long waves for his coming.” (5-6)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Women have no role, and neither does
anyone with status less than that of an earl. The medieval world of Austin’s
poetry is an aristocratic one. Alfred, Harold Hardrada and Harold Godwinson are
all kings and Tostig is an earl. Throughout Austin’s poetry he maintains a
social hierarchy: “the disaffected, the iconoclasts, the radicals in his books
may be hero or villain; but those who submit to their destiny and remain
content in their station, high or low, are happy, harmonious, and socially
constructive.” (Cromwell 160) Medieval imagery in Victorian England was widely
used to evoke people’s ancient rites and to confirm “present-day privilege.” <w:sdt citation="t" id="1046333517"><!--[if supportFields]><span style='mso-element:
field-begin'></span>CITATION Sim11 \p 194 \l 1033 <span style='mso-element:
field-separator'></span><![endif]-->(Simmons,
Popular Medievalisms in Romantic Era Britain 194)<!--[if supportFields]><span
style='mso-element:field-end'></span><![endif]--></w:sdt> This is another
reason why the medieval was an ideal choice of subject matter for Austin who
actively and intentionally expressed his political views through his poetry.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">As an example of Austin’s medievalism
examine the following poem:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i><span lang="EN-US">Death
of Harold Hardrada<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Like the tall mast snapped before the storm-wind<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Falls he, like the pine cleft by the woodman.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Never more the strong shall fall before him, <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">While behind him pours the flood of battle. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Long his Queen shall watching look to westward,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Look across the long waves for his coming.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Round him fight and fall the heaped-up corpse-ring,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Scorning Harold’s proffered peace and mercy.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Falls fierce Tostig, grimly as the bear falls,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Fell, at bay, amid the shouting huntsmen.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Falls at last the beacon of the war-field;<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">The Land-waster sinks, the Raven-Standard.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">‘Plight your troth, no more your ocean riders, <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Viking-filled, shall come with fire and slaughter.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">So bear hence your kingly dead, O Olaf,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">In your long ships, home, O heroes, bear him.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">And with holy rites, in far-off Norway, <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Tomb him, peaceful after all his battles.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Forth to seawards sweep the Northmen’s galleys,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Bearing home the restful son of Sigurd.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">So fell Harold, last of all the Vikings,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Scald, by scalds sung, Harold of the fair hair. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">(June 20 1897)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN-US">It is a ‘masculine’ poem in the sense that it discusses
traditionally masculine subject matter. Different from the other poems, the
setting is medieval, but the protagonist is not English. Perhaps that is why he
has to die, and does so, as a noble antagonist.
The episode described, the Battle of Stamford Bridge, takes place on
English soil, and was a great success for the Saxon king, Harold. The Battle of
Hastings, a disastrous Saxon loss, directly followed the Battle of Stamford
Bridge and resulted in the Conquest, making that last victory at Stamford
Bridge an even more important victory. Even though it is about the noble death
of a warrior (a masculine endeavor), the poem is still about Saxon victory and
a great early English ruler. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
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" strokecolor="#4579b8 [3044]"/><![endif]--><!--[if !vml]--><span style="height: 2px; margin-left: -19px; margin-top: 4px; mso-ignore: vglayout; position: absolute; width: 191px; z-index: 251659264;"><img height="2" src="file:///C:/Users/MEGANA~1/AppData/Local/Temp/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image001.png" v:shapes="Straight_x0020_Connector_x0020_1" width="191" /></span><!--[endif]--> <span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">This paper developed out of a larger
project - tracing the characterizations of Harold Hardrada through literature. In
the above poem Hardrada is a sympathetic political and military other, a centre
point that England and the English can itself focus around. Likewise, Alfred
Austin conceived of the poet laureate as a centre point, one that can galvanize
the public into action or influence their opinion. Or maybe you could, if you
had a better reputation as a poet. When speaking at the opening of a new school
of science and art Austin told the students: “If any student believed himself
to be an artist in the true sense of the word, the incredulity of others should
not shake his faith or in the faintest degree discourage him; for they too
would believe when the student had proved himself to be one.” (Cromwell 208) It
is good that Austin didn’t let the medievalism-tinged epithet ‘Alfred the
Little’ get to him. Austin’s biographer said of him that “had he written fewer
and less hysterical poems his reputation would today be far higher than it is.”
(Cromwell 194) However, write them he did, and in them he poured everything
that he thought poetry should be. Throughout his career, but especially as the
poet laureate, Austin used the medieval to express his political views about
the country and about poetry. In the end, what Austin was embroiled in was a
political mess<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<w:sdt bibliography="t" id="111145805"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><w:sdtpr></w:sdtpr><w:sdt docparttype="Bibliographies" docpartunique="t" id="-844251866" sdtdocpart="t"></w:sdt></span>
<h1>
<span lang="EN-US"> <o:p></o:p></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11.0pt; font-weight: normal; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><w:sdtpr></w:sdtpr></span></h1>
<w:sdt docparttype="Bibliographies" docpartunique="t" id="-505291549" sdtdocpart="t">
<h1>
<span lang="EN-US">Bibliography<o:p></o:p></span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: windowtext; font-size: 11.0pt; font-weight: normal; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><w:sdtpr></w:sdtpr></span></h1>
<w:sdt bibliography="t" id="-1157916060">
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<!--[if supportFields]><span
lang=EN-US><span style='mso-element:field-begin'></span><span
style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span>BIBLIOGRAPHY <span style='mso-element:
field-separator'></span></span><![endif]--><span lang="EN-US">"Alfred Austin." 2012. <i>All Poetry.</i>
Web. 15 November 2012. <http: allpoetry.com="allpoetry.com" lfred_austin="lfred_austin">.<o:p></o:p><w:sdtpr></w:sdtpr></http:></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">"Alfred Austin is Dead." <i>The
Washington Post</i> 3 June 1913. Periodical.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">"Alfred the Little." <i>Punch</i>
11 January 1896: 14. Periodical.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">"Alfred to Alfred (A Very
Up-to-Date Song from the Shades)." <i>Punch</i> February 1896: 65.
Periodical.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Austin, Alfred. <i>A Vindication of
Lord Byron</i>. London: Chapman and Hall, 1869. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">—. "Death of Harold
Hardrada." <i>Lyra Historica: Poems of British History A.D 61-1910</i>.
Ed. M.E. Windsor and J. Turral. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1911. 22-23.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">—. "Harold and Tostig." <i>Lyra
Historica: Poems of British History A.D. 61-1910</i>. Ed. M.E. Windsor and
J. Turral. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1911. 21-22. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">—. <i>Songs of England</i>. London:
Macmillan and Co. Ltd. , 1900. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">—. <i>The Autobiography of Alfred
Auston Poet Laureate: 1835-1910</i>. London: Macmillan and Co. Ltd. , 1911.
Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">—. <i>The Poetry of the Period</i>.
London: Richard Bentley, 1870. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">—. "The Spotless King." <i>Lyra
Historica: Poems of British History A.D. 61-1910.</i> Ed. M.E. Windson and
J Turral. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1911. 20. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">BBC. "Alfred the Great."
2012. <i>BBC British History.</i> Web. 15 November 2012.
<http: alfred_the_great.shtml="alfred_the_great.shtml" historic_figures="historic_figures" history="history" www.bbc.co.uk="www.bbc.co.uk">.<o:p></o:p></http:></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Cromwell, Norton B. <i>Alfred Austin
Victorian</i>. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1955. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">Simmons, Clare. <i>Popular Medievalisms
in Romantic Era Britain</i>. New York: Palgrave and Macmillan, 2011. Print.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoBibliography" style="margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US">—. <i>Reversing the Conquest: History
and Myth in Nineteenth Century British Literature</i>. New Brunswick and
London: Rutgers University Press, 1990. 1990.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-15735960932561995712012-12-30T17:48:00.000-08:002012-12-30T17:48:38.577-08:00Grad School, a tri-country experienceI am hoping it will be a job market advantage, that when I am looking for academic jobs near the end of my PhD, that I have gone to grad school in three different English speaking countries. <div>
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When you travel as part of the academic crowd it is really easy to avoid culture shock because you are hanging out with the same kinds of people in each situation. They are always going to be people who enjoy talking about school, and your subject matter, but even on a deeper level the conversation is almost always interesting to you because you are all on the same page. The lack of culture shock could also have a lot to do with the fact that I don't really go anywhere particularly off the grid, and Canada has always been a mix of Britain and the United States, so some things are going to be familiar no matter what side of the pond you are on. </div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Nottingham</td></tr>
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My first MA was at the <a href="http://www.nottingham.ac.uk/" target="_blank">University of Nottingham</a>. Things to know, England is HARSH when it comes to the grading. I mean, for one I had professors that pushed me, so they tended to mark what seemed a little harsh but was fair enough to push me to be better. But the whole system is harsh. 80% is the highest you could ever possibly go, and getting 80% would mean you get 100%, change nothing, you are a generally acknowledged genius. So 70% and up is a 'first' which is kind of like an A, but British-er. So 65% is a 2:1 standing, which is kind of like a B. If I had got marks that looked like that in undergrad in Canada, grad school wouldn't even have been one of the possible options, but it is actually not bad in England. But I am sure the harsh looking marks didn't help me at all applying to grad schools in North America. </div>
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My most recent degree is my PhD from <a href="http://www.wmich.edu/" target="_blank">Western Michigan University</a>. An A, which most grad students receive, is a 93%. 93%!!! To me the marks look ridiculously inflated. If I had done a stint at an American university (maybe not any university, but it seems like this is standard) I would probably have no trouble getting into any school I wanted in either Canada, or England, not because my work is that much better, but because the scale is so much friendlier looking. Though at WMU they only put letter grades on your transcripts, not numbers, which seems a little bananas. Also, I always give myself away as Canadian (in many ways) but mostly by calling them marks, and saying that I am marking, rather than giving grades, or grading, which I do sometimes say (since Canadians use both words). </div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">McIntosh Gallery University of Western Ontario</td></tr>
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As in so many things, Canada is halfway between England and the United States. My second MA at the <a href="http://www.uwo.ca/" target="_blank">University of Western Ontario</a>, people said basically as a grad student your mark falls somewhere between 78-82%. This is the grading scheme I was used to in undergrad as well. 80 and above is an A. You can get over 90%, but you would have to be pretty genius, again. Therefore, the marks don't LOOK as harsh as England's, nor as generous as the United States. They are exactly in the middle. </div>
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Other differences, England had very few funding opportunities. North America, funding is expected, and it will also give you experience teaching to get that funding. Canada I was a TA in a class, leading my own tutorials, in a subject I had studied, with 40 students work to mark. United States, I am leading my own class, in a subject I am familiar with in a rather sideways way (you have to write I guess to study history) with only 22 students work to grade. There is a distinction between dissertation and thesis in England and USA, the words meaning slightly different projects, but not so much in Canada. </div>
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Always, you take three grad classes at a time, though in the USA the MAs do less and take more time to finish. Always you are working like a madman to get everything done around deadlines. Mostly, the experiences are similar. What ends up as rather different is how Canadian you are around your colleagues. I have never been more Canadian than when I am not in Canada, and never more so than in the United States, where I seem to like to remind people of why I am different, and keep forgetting that things are not quite the same as at home, because it seems so similar. </div>
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Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-27422048185301314662012-10-19T19:35:00.000-07:002012-10-19T19:35:14.308-07:00Week 5: Skokloster, Visby and Medeltidens veckor - Living History in its many forms, a.k.a. the best week of my life<span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">My final weekend in Sweden way surpassed the boundaries of what realistically can be called weekend, and involved so many of the things that I love best that I am not sure that I have ever had a better time. </span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">On Thursday the film class that I was taking took a walking tour of Stockholm. The rationale was that first of all, if nothing else it is nice to walk around the city with people who are familiar with it, like the film teacher was. The second rationale was that from there we could check out some of the places where they filmed <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Girl_with_the_Dragon_Tattoo" target="_blank">The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo</a>, the American and European versions, since many places were used for both. This is a picture of the place that Liz Salander lives.Stockholm is just a great city.</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">On Friday I was once again promised that I would finally see one of the places that the Swedes had got to this summer. The <a href="http://www.uiss.org/" target="_blank">International Summer Session</a> organized a group tour to Dalarna, home of the <a href="http://www.dalarnasmuseum.se/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&catid=124:engelska&id=391:dalarna-horses" target="_blank">Dalarna horse</a> which looms in tourist legend as the Swedish souvenir. First stop was <a href="http://www.clg.se/enstart.aspx" target="_blank">Carl Larsson's house</a>, where I took one photo inside before the tour guide remembered to tell us that we shouldn't do that. The tour guide was actually a direct descendant of artist Carl Larsson himself, so there was the added dimension added to the tour. </span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">From there we went to <a href="http://www.falugruva.se/" target="_blank">Falun</a>, a particularly old copper mine, that they have dated now to about the 8th century. Legend has it that it was discovered by a farmer's goat, who had ran away and returned to the farm with red stains on his horns, leading the farmer to the mine. One of the most interesting parts was the royal family's signatures embossed with gold on the wall of the mine, seems to me there could be a great debate there. We finished the day in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/T%C3%A4llberg" target="_blank">Tallberg</a>, a picturesque town, paradise for rv-ers, and where I got many of the souvenirs that I brought home for my family. All three places were in Dalarna, but they were three of the most different places that I visited on my trip. We capped the day with waffles at the souvenir shop on the hill. </span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">Saturday Kristina, a fellow classmate from Lithuania, began a few proper weekend adventures, the weekend which I will never forget. We started Saturday with the Odyssey of the three buses and two hours that it takes to get to <a href="http://skoklostersslott.se/sv" target="_blank">Skokloster</a> from Uppsala. There is a boat ride that goes right there, which I was told is <a href="http://www.mslinnea.se/" target="_blank">a lovely boat ride</a>, but they were booked for a wedding. Instead we took a series of buses, and we agreed that while most of Sweden was beautiful, the town </span><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">of </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: helvetica, arial; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: helvetica, arial; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">Bålsta</span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"> does not fairly represent Swedish beauty. But Skokloster was so beautiful and well worth it. The castle was built by Carl Gustaf Wrangel in the seventeenth century and it houses the oldest known chandelier in the world. The Historical interpreters are all in historical costume and the guided tour take you through one of the most impressive 17th, 18th century armouries I've ever seen, including the world's oldest surviving hammock and kayak. On the grounds I found what may have been my favourite runestone that I saw in Sweden (and I saw quite a few) with this fantastic picture of a mounted man. If you are in Uppsala this is a highlight, and if you have a car, it is not that far away. </span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">I decided to skip the film class's tour of the studios in Stockholm, and I was a little bummed about that, but only because of my desire to try and do absolutely everything. In fact, the reason why I decided to skip was one of the best things I have done, because on Sunday Kristina and I took a short flight with <a href="http://www.norwegian.com/" target="_blank">Norwegian Air</a> from Arlanda airport to Visby. <a href="http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/731" target="_blank">Visby is a Unesco World Heritage</a> site, because it is a hanseatic city with one of the best preserved medieval city walls. And in August every year it is a Mecca for medievalists when it hosts <a href="http://www.medeltidsveckan.se/" target="_blank">Medeltidens veckan, Middle Ages week</a>. YOU SHOULD GO, IT IS AWESOME. </span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">When we arrived we wandered around the town until 6:00, when we took the bus to the <a href="http://www.upplevgotland.se/sv/bo/visby-och-mellersta-gotland/roma-bed-and-breakfast.aspx" target="_blank">Brukshotellet in Roma</a> to check into the hotel and get something to eat. Roma is about twenty minutes outside of Visby, and this is a definite possibility if you are trying to find some reasonable accommodation during Middle Ages week. The drawback is that you really have to be on top of the bus schedule, because you don't want to get stuck in Visby, because there really won't be anywhere the stay. In Roma, there is one restaurant where you can get dinner, which is right by the Snus and Whiskey factory. This is the only place that I was in Sweden where they actually didn't speak English, and we were forced to practice Swedish. Fantastic! </span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">On Monday we took the bus to Visby and went to <a href="http://www.gotlandsmuseum.se/" target="_blank">Gotland's museum</a> first thing in the morning. In the hall with the runestones, there was one person dressed in Viking garb and was telling stories to a group of gathered children. My Swedish wasn't quite good enough to identify the tale. There is a fabulous collection in the museum. I probably rushed Kristina a little quickly through the science center section. After that we took a two hour walking tour in Swedish with Monkus Carolus. He took us into one of the tours along the city wall, and into the cellar of an excavated medieval house. And it was an exercise in Swedish comprehension. From there we visited the glassblowing shop in Mellangatan. They were in costume, and it was acknowledged that it was an old art, but what we were seeing was modern glass blowing, though still very cool. Then we visited briefly the Viking Age market where we saw sword swallowing, rocked out with the medieval entertainment and ate traditional foods. </span><span style="font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">From there we went to an improv show in the ruins of <a href="http://www.gotland.net/sv/platser/sta-karins-ruin" target="_blank">St. Karin's Chuch</a> in the Stor Torget. This was followed by a grand tournament in the evening. We supported the black and yellow knight, who was doing quite well, but didn't win the day, and then I bought a toffee apple. I also found out that candied apple is not something they have in Lithuania. We got a warm drink at one of the little coffee shops near the Stor Torget before we eventually caught a bus back to Roma. Best day ever! </span></span><a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-t_EEQU8_u6w/UIIGRiUjiNI/AAAAAAAAAhE/clF98qZhqLM/s1600/Visby+194.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;"><img border="0" height="320" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-t_EEQU8_u6w/UIIGRiUjiNI/AAAAAAAAAhE/clF98qZhqLM/s320/Visby+194.JPG" width="238" /></a><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">Tuesday we got up early to see the ruins of the old monastery (kloster) in Roma that have been converted into a <a href="http://romateatern.se.preview.binero.se/" target="_blank">Shakespearean festival stage</a>. They were putting on an open air production of Hamlet, though with the number of rainy days Sweden had this summer, I bet they had a tough year. Then we took the bus to Visby, and went to the market, which we had only seen a little bit of, before all too soon taking the bus back to the airport and flying back to Uppsala. </span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">Visby and Gotland is a must for any medievally minded tourists bent on Sweden. The Viking Age and the High Middle Ages have such an interesting and unique history here, including a built history that is all too visible. And Middle Ages week adds such an interesting, campy and so highly enjoyable layer that I haven't seen anything like it. </span>Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-21015719550240233782012-09-29T16:47:00.000-07:002012-09-29T16:47:41.135-07:00Idea for a television show: the campiness of the medieval encampmentI love a good renaissance festival/ medieval fair. I don't care that it's not historically correct, I don't care that it's overpriced, I don't care that it's ridiculously overcrowded and super campy. Many of those things are reasons why I in fact love a good medieval fair. The feeling that I get when I'm at one is part of the reason that I love to study the Middle Ages. <div>
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And I think it would be a perfect setting for a t.v. show. Imagine a medieval fair, one of the ones that is open every weekend, as the setting for a television show. It is a place where so many people suspend their disbelief for so long, and indulge in fantasy, that it is a place where magic actually happens. </div>
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The main character would be a 'business' guy who runs the fair, maybe inherited it from his father (a cliche, but sometimes cliches are cliches for a reason). His friend is this guy who hangs around the fair all the time. Most of the people who come to the fair can see that he is a troll, because they believe in that kind of thing, but to the main character he appears as a regular guy, because he doesn't believe in that kind of thing. He guards the festival and was brought to life by the magic in the place. </div>
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The love interest is a girl who has been coming to enjoy the festival as long as she can remember. Another character is a girl who works there, but likes to mutter things about gender roles and patriarchy at work at a medieval festival. They could take on problems that range from creditors, to other problems actual renaissance festivals have to face, to issues in medievalisms, to metaphors for actual medieval issues. For instance, there could be an episode where they get taken over by pirates (a medieval festival issue) and an instance where there is an investiture controversy dividing the food vendors and splitting allegiances. People could misinterpret the role of the Vikings at the festival, and the whole fair could be taken over by an all consuming mud, a problem medieval festivals face when it rains, but a magic medieval festival even more so. They could do a really interesting episode about a woman becoming a knight, and a man becoming a kitchen hand, highlighting the fact that most people at this point won't stop a woman from being a knight, but that people would have a lot more trouble with a guy fulfilling a woman's role. </div>
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Wouldn't that be fun? Anyone want to back me? Too ridiculous? Campy for sure, but that is one of the things that governs what I choose to watch. </div>
Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-39362917532161771482012-09-29T16:28:00.000-07:002012-09-29T16:28:53.423-07:00Week 4: Swedish vacationsI maintain that Sweden is basically Canada if the Europeans had been there longer, or at least central Canada. The surrounding nature made me feel right at home.<br />
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My fourth weekend in Sweden was spent living it up in the outdoors, and save for a few details I could have been in Muskoka. But it is a must for a longer trip to Sweden, because if you don't go out, away from the cities then you will have no idea where the Swedes have actually gone all summer, as they are certainly not in Uppsala.<br />
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One of the three excursions that you can elect to go on with the <a href="http://www.uiss.org/" target="_blank">UISS</a> is to Varmland, to take part in some outdoor adventures and to sleep in cabins. When you sign up you can choose one of three activities: the first is rafting along the Klaralven, the second is hiking through the wilderness, and the third is the adventure trail, which involves rappelling and zip lines. That is the activity I chose.<br />
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It takes between 6-8 hours to get to the <a href="http://www.vildmark.se/" target="_blank">Vildmark i Varmland</a> campsite (Wildlife in Varmland) from Uppsala. When we arrived on Friday, once we got settled in a few of us went down to the river to see if swimming was possible. It was possible but much too cold to be pleasant, though that didn't stop us from trying. Then those who chose rafting had to start building their raft. Seriously building their own raft. It sounded weird, but if you watch the river for awhile you see people who have clearly made this their vacation, with their boat tied to the raft. You can apparently raft down this river for about five days. The rest of us not building a raft could elect to go on a Beaver Safari, which is exactly what it sounds like. Apparently the European Beaver and the North American Beaver are so distantly related now that they don't share enough genes to mate, though they sure look and act the same. We got eaten alive by bugs when we stopped to make some food, but I guess we should be happy that everyone had a good meal.<br />
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Saturday we all went on our respective adventures and the rain held out just long enough for everyone to make it back to the campground. Next was the all too Scandinavian of adventures, the sauna. The sauna at the campground (yep) was right next to the river, just perfect for going out for the obligatory cold dip. In the evening we were served fresh moose, cooked over a grill on an open flame.<br />
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Sunday morning we woke up and cleaned our cabins (proper camping). On our way back to Uppsala we stopped at the home of Selma Lagerlof, the woman on the twenty Kronor note and one of Sweden's most famous authors. She was the first female author to win the Nobel Prize for literature. Her house at <a href="http://www.marbacka.com/" target="_blank">Marbacka</a> was a museum even while she was alive.</div>
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<br />Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-32934778350493040242012-08-21T08:50:00.001-07:002012-08-21T20:15:07.852-07:00Week 3: The capitals of the Swedes I have recently been trying to follow <a href="http://books.google.ca/books?id=lD74bDG3O5oC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_vpt_reviews#v=onepage&q&f=false" target="_blank">Gwyn Jones'</a>s very complicated arguments about the Swedes as the tribe that emerged from Uppsala as the dominant people in what we would now call Sweden. I'm sure it has since fallen out of some favour, but I think what I am getting out of it is that the 'capital' of Sweden, if we can impose that anachronistic idea on history, has moved from <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uppsala" target="_blank">Uppsala</a>, to <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sigtuna" target="_blank">Sigtuna</a> (which makes the claim that it is the first capital), to Stockholm. In week three I visited all three places.<br />
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Friday the <a href="http://www.uiss.org/" target="_blank">Uppsala International Summer Session</a> organized a trip to Stockholm. They charted a bus from city to city, and scheduled some group activities. First we went to the <a href="http://www.kungahuset.se/royalcourt/royalpalaces/theroyalpalace.4.396160511584257f218000138.html" target="_blank">Royal Palace</a> and had a tour. After the tour we had some free time so I purchased a spinach and feta pie (which means quiche here, bit they just call it 'paj'). Some of us went down to the Royal Treasury to see the crown jewels and royal regalia. That is worth it if you are doing it as part of the whole experience, but is actually quite small if you are paying for that separately, which we did since we had got into the apartments on a group rate. We came back up for the changing of the guard.<br />
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<a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-JOjuDT1OIdc/UDKYFL4VjgI/AAAAAAAAAcQ/c2Da8uCiZyA/s1600/Uppsala+and+Birka+080.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-JOjuDT1OIdc/UDKYFL4VjgI/AAAAAAAAAcQ/c2Da8uCiZyA/s200/Uppsala+and+Birka+080.JPG" width="148" /></a>Then we took the bus to the <a href="http://www.stockholm.se/stadshuset" target="_blank">Stadshus</a>, which was in some ways more spectacular than the Royal Palaces. I had seen the outside when I waited for the boat to Birka, but the inside is well worth seeing. After the tour we had free time, so a few of us decided that before it closed we would sneak in what is arguably Stockholm's most spectacular museum, The Vasa.<br />
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We took one of the <a href="http://www.stromma.se/en/STOCKHOLM/Tours/Stockholm-Sightseeing/Boat-Tours/Hop-on-Hop-off1/" target="_blank">hop-on hop-off</a>s, but I would actually recommend the ferry as more direct and frankly more useful. The <a href="http://www.vasamuseet.se/en/" target="_blank">Vasa Museum</a> seems huge on the inside, as it is built to accommodate this 17th century warship which was sailed out into the harbour in Stockholm before it simply rolled over and sank. Perhaps most spectacular is the conservation which has been done on the vessel.<br />
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We took the ferry back to Gamla Stan after we had had a French hot dog and wandered past<a href="http://www.gronalund.com/en/" target="_blank"> Grona Lund</a>, the local amusement park. This left a little time for exploring the old city, which is beautiful, before we had to make our way back to the Royal Palace to catch the bus.<br />
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Saturday I went back to Stockholm myself by train. I walked from Central Station to the<a href="http://www.historiska.se/home/" target="_blank"> Historiska Museum</a>, or the Museum of National Antiquities, which is a central location for Sweden's pre-history, including their Viking history. In addition to the numerous artefacts, hoards and rune stones on display, they had museum workers in the courtyard dressed as Vikings and educating children interactively.<br />
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Having spent several hours there I then walked back to <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Djurg%C3%A5rden" target="_blank">Djurgarden</a>, the island which also houses the Vasa Museum, so that I could go to <a href="http://www.skansen.se/" target="_blank">Skansen</a>, the worlds purportedly first Open Air museum. They host a collection of mostly 18th and 19th century buildings gathered from all over Sweden, as well as a Scandinavian animal zoo. I felt a little like the creepy adult who comes without their children, but it was fairly spectacular, and it is complemented by many pavilions of kids rides and exotic animals, which add a theme park atmosphere to the grounds.<br />
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<a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-MWwbt0VAOug/UDKcBAbRoNI/AAAAAAAAAdI/Ixcyh6fk_cY/s1600/Stockholm+(Skansen+and+Historika+Museum)+165.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-MWwbt0VAOug/UDKcBAbRoNI/AAAAAAAAAdI/Ixcyh6fk_cY/s200/Stockholm+(Skansen+and+Historika+Museum)+165.JPG" width="148" /></a>By this point I am a little exhausted from walking, but I did find my way back to Gamla Stan and ate at one of the cafes. But I topped off the evening with a visit to <a href="http://www.sjattetunnan.se/" target="_blank">Medeltidskrogen Sjatte Tunnan</a> - a bar built in the tunnels that run underneath Gamla Stan that has a medieval theme. They sell their drinks in ceramics instead of glasses, and you sit around barrels on sheep skins while someone plays a medieval instrument. An entirely interesting and enjoyable tourist experience, though lets face it it is for die hards and for tourists only.<br />
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Sunday, fairly exhausted, I took the train and a bus to get to <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sigtuna" target="_blank">Sigtuna</a>, which claims to be the first capital, though now it boasts Sweden's smallest City Hall. Founded in 980, the city retains some of the medieval planning. The importance of the city around the years 1000-1200 can be seen in the multiple church ruins around the city, and the many rune stones. I walked along the main street, then one street behind to see the ruins, and then walked down by the water. After getting some food I went to the <a href="http://sigtunamuseum.se/" target="_blank">museum</a> where I saw this very famous artefact, which I recently saw again as the first page in Gwyn Jones's book, The History of the Vikings. The museum is located in the same place as the first mint and the first King's residence was. </div>
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All in all, capital weekend (sorry)!</div>
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Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-10431798053186056442012-08-16T08:11:00.000-07:002012-08-16T08:11:07.119-07:00Week 2: Uppsala, Birka and Viking tourismMy activities during my second week in Sweden were largely dictated by the fact that the <a href="http://www.stromma.se/sv/Birka/" target="_blank">Unesco World Heritage Site Birka</a>, which I was determined to see, between July 9-15 was hosting a Viking Market on site, so the place would be just teeming with Viking Age re-enactors. So this was the Viking weekend, where everyday I did at least a little bit of Viking Age tourism. But I also found out a lot more about religious history in Sweden, Carl Linnaeus and Gustav Vasa.<br />
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I started touring around Uppsala on Wednesday after class, when I went over to the<a href="http://www.upplandsmuseet.se/" target="_blank"> Upplands museum</a>, which had a very interesting display on the Upplands prehistory, which included their Viking Age material.<br />
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<a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-PchqAw-MN-M/UC0HH4VvwKI/AAAAAAAAAaY/g2uoP0fFD4g/s1600/IMG_1109.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-PchqAw-MN-M/UC0HH4VvwKI/AAAAAAAAAaY/g2uoP0fFD4g/s320/IMG_1109.JPG" width="238" /></a>Friday I decided to look around Uppsala. First I went and looked properly around the <a href="http://www.uppsaladomkyrka.se/" target="_blank">Domkyrkan</a> (Cathedral). The Cathedral is one of the finest in Sweden since Uppsala has been an important religious site here since Adam of Bremen wrote about the country in the second half of the eleventh century, and probably earlier as the remains at Gamla Uppsala would suggest. At around 10:00 am Friday morning I decided to wander around the cathedral and then paid the admittance fee to go up and see the treasury, which was well worth it.<br />
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After treating myself to lunch at Max (basically the Swedish fast food restaurant) I took the #2 bus from outside of the City Hall to <a href="http://www.raa.se/cms/en/places_to_visit/gamla_uppsala.html" target="_blank">Gamla Uppsala</a>, which I was very excited to see. When I got off the bus two British tourists asked me where the entrance to the museum was, and I said it looked like it was off to the left somewhere. They told me that they were not expecting my accent. I spent several hours exploring the Gamla Uppsala museum. In fact I wandered around, took the tour and had to be kicked out when it was closing because I was stopping to read everything. I then went to the Odinsborg restaurant, a restaurant that local s say has been associating the mounds with the Viking Age for them for as long as they can remember, though the mounds are in fact from earlier in the Iron Age. It is also Adam of Bremen and successive nationalistic writers that have continued to make that association. I then went to St. Erik's church on site and explored all over the top of the mounds. The whole of the site drips in a past national romanticism, which the heritage people are quick to point out is one major part of the history of the site.<br />
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Instead of taking the bus back I walked along the <a href="http://www.uppsala.se/Upload/Dokumentarkiv/Externt/Dokument/Fritid_o_natur/Friluftsliv/Our_outdoor_recreational_areas_2010.pdf" target="_blank">St. Erik's trail</a> (Eriksleden), the path of the procession of the relics of St. Erik on St. Erik's day, May 18th. The relics would be moved from the old religious centre at Gamla Uppsala (Old Uppsala) to the new one in Uppsala on that day, and this is the path that they would take.<br />
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<a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-guqfdZwvZMI/UC0IO6vcwCI/AAAAAAAAAao/Wbra-QG-2aI/s1600/Uppsala+and+Birka+119.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-guqfdZwvZMI/UC0IO6vcwCI/AAAAAAAAAao/Wbra-QG-2aI/s320/Uppsala+and+Birka+119.JPG" width="238" /></a><a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-guqfdZwvZMI/UC0IO6vcwCI/AAAAAAAAAao/Wbra-QG-2aI/s1600/Uppsala+and+Birka+119.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><br /></a>Saturday I woke up really early and took the train to Stockholm. The<a href="http://www.stromma.se/sv/Birka/RESA-HIT/" target="_blank"> Stromma boat for Birka</a> leaves from the Stadshusbron (bridge), right by the City Hall (Stadshus). I was able to explore the City Hall outer area a little before catching my boat to Birka. It is a long and windy boat ride, but the guide points out a few places along the way that are interesting for people going to see a Viking Age site. The Archipelago is also lovely. When I got there I wandered around the market and the reconstructions, and I walked up to St. Ansgar's cross (erected in the 19th century). I took the guided tour (really worth it), went to the museum, ate Viking Stew at the restaurant and then had to take the boat back. It was worth it to go at the time of the Viking Market. It was very lively and always something to see.<br />
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Sunday I went to see more things around Uppsala. First I went to the <a href="http://www.botan.uu.se/Botaneng.html" target="_blank">Botanical Gardens</a> and wandered around. Carl Linnaeus, scientific giant, was based at Uppsala University so flowers are very important to the history and culture of the city.<br />
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From there I went to the <a href="http://www.uppsalaslott.com/" target="_blank">Uppsala Slott</a> (castle) for the art and the guided tour. Gustav Vasa built the original castle when he was trying to convert the country to Protestantism. Since this was perhaps the most important religious site the castle is here so that there can be a permanent presence felt by the powerful church.<br />
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Next I went to the <a href="http://www.ub.uu.se/sv/Om-biblioteket/Kulturarv/" target="_blank">Carolina Redvivia</a>, the library for Uppsala University. The collections that they have on display are some of the very best treasures I have ever seen, including a 15th/16th century map of Mexico which shows spaniards whipping along their indigenous slaves, one of Mozart's notebooks and, of course, the Silver Bible, which is the best example of the Gothic language and lettering anywhere in the world. It is spectacular. But I was also interested in the 13th century manuscript that they have of Snorri Sturluson's Younger Edda.<br />
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<a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-wqg3e5V5iLY/UC0KNOFlHKI/AAAAAAAAAbc/YTF6dmFc7zc/s1600/Uppsala+and+Birka+213.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="238" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-wqg3e5V5iLY/UC0KNOFlHKI/AAAAAAAAAbc/YTF6dmFc7zc/s320/Uppsala+and+Birka+213.JPG" width="320" /></a>Finally I made my way over to the <a href="http://www.linnaeus.uu.se/LTeng.html" target="_blank">Carl Linnaeus and University's garden</a>. I took the audio guided tour around the house until they kicked me out, and then I wandered around the gardens until I was so exhausted that it was time to go home.Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-73827205330977954332012-07-26T08:57:00.000-07:002012-07-26T08:57:07.995-07:00Week 1: Helsinki, world design capital of 2012My first weekend in Sweden there was a scheduled trip to Helsinki. What this means is that at about 10 days into my trip to Sweden I had actually seen much more of Finland than I had of Sweden.<br />
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Helsinki has a lot to offer for the historically minded. However, it is the <a href="http://wdchelsinki2012.fi/en" target="_blank">design capital of the world this year</a>. In many ways I struggled to see evidence of this while I was here. Not that I didn't see interesting architecture and the simple and elegant designs that I always see in Sweden, but because my tourism focuses more on history than design I struggled to appreciate that aspect of the city. There was an exhibit at the <a href="http://www.kiasma.fi/kiasma_en" target="_blank">Kiasma, or modern art museum</a>,which tried to expand what we think about when we think of design, but not having a real base in design basics I think I wasn't the exhibits target audience. It was entitled Camouflage and it explored how design can be hidden in other things. I thought the exhibit about the traditional Russian tourist kiosk incorporating elements of design was the most interesting portion, but I am interested in historical tourism which is why this piece spoke to me more than any other.<br />
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But for the historically minded, here is an example of a possible weekend trip to Helsinki. To get to there Stockholm you can take one of the ferries through the archipelago. That is worth doing on it's own. We took the Viking Line cruise ship. It is a fully fledged cruise, complete with Scandinavian style smorgasbord. The boat is often very cheap because they want you to come on-board and drink or go to the smorgasbord.The archipelago is extremely beautiful. It is absolutely unique and special in it's own way, but it did remind me a lot of the Georgian Bay 1000 Islands, just as much of the wilderness in Sweden (what I have seen so far) does rather remind me of Canadian wilderness. I think it is something about similar latitudes.<br />
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We arrived in Helsinki after a fitful night sleeping on the boat below sea level. A few of us wasted no time. We checked into the hotel and headed right for Unesco world heritage site <a href="http://www.suomenlinna.fi/en/" target="_blank">Sveaborg/Suomenlinna</a>. You have to take the ferry from the Open Market, but the ferries are frequent. We spent from 12:30 - 4:00 at Sveaborg and then returned to the mainland. We ate food in the Open Market (a good bet because Finland is expensive), wandered along <a href="http://www.visithelsinki.fi/en/sights-and-attractions/esplanade-park" target="_blank">the Esplanade</a> and turned in for an early night.<br />
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After breakfast the next morning (another smorgasbord provided by the <a href="http://www.scandichotels.com/Hotels/Countries/Finland/Helsinki/Hotels/Scandic-Grand-Marina/" target="_blank">Grand Marina Skandic hotel</a>) I walked along the harbour to the <a href="http://www.mannerheim-museo.fi/mm.php?page=etusivu&lang=eng" target="_blank">Mannerheim Museum</a>. A little hard to find, but if you walk along the harbour past the Olympia terminal and keep your eyes out for signs you will find a path up the hill. When you get to the top of the path turn right to get to Mannerheim. They provide a guide and it was for me one of the highlights of the trip. So very interesting, and I learned so much more about Finnish history. They open at 10:00. I took a tour almost right at 10:30 and was finished in about an hour. From there I walked back up the Esplanade. At the end of the Esplanade, right behind the Swedish theatre there is a bus stop that leads to Folison.<br />
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At about 1:00 we took bus 22 to <a href="http://www.nba.fi/en/museums/seurasaari_openairmuseum" target="_blank">Folison/Seuresaari</a>, the open-air museum in Helsinki. It is the last stop on the bus route. We wandered a little and took the guided tour in English at 3:00. After that we took the bus back at 5:00 to the main square and had dinner one street back from the main street so as to avoid high prices.<br />
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In the evening I wandered a bit around the city. I went to the <a href="http://www.visithelsinki.fi/en/sights-and-attractions/helsinki-cathedral" target="_blank">Helsinki Cathedral</a>, which is open until midnight on most days in the summer. I walked to the outside of the <a href="http://www.visithelsinki.fi/en/sights-and-attractions/uspenski-orthodox-cathedral" target="_blank">Uspenski cathedral</a>, which was not open. Those are the two cathedrals that decorate the city skyline when you come into the harbour. From there I wandered around the point by the Viking Line terminal. Probably best not to wander at night too much, but as the sun hardly goes down it doesn't seem like a problem.<br />
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The next morning I caught the guided bus tour in Swedish and English at 10:30 from the Olympia terminal. I found the bus smelly and the large guided tour rather impersonal, but if I hadn't done that tour I wouldn't have had such a good sense of the city and I also wouldn't have seen two of Helsinki's real treasures, <a href="http://www.visithelsinki.fi/en/sights-and-attractions/temppeliaukio-church" target="_blank">the Rock Church or Temppeliaukia Church</a> and the <a href="http://www.visithelsinki.fi/en/fallback/sibelius-monument" target="_blank">Sibelius monument</a> in Sibelius park. Those are the two stops the bus makes. After that, at around 12:00 I did go into Uppenski Orthodox Cathedral. I then took the bus to the <a href="http://www.nba.fi/en/nationalmuseum" target="_blank">Finnish National Museum</a>, located on Mannerheim Rd. beside the Finnish parliament. I spent about an hour and a half in the museum, but could easily have spent a bit more time. I then went to the Kiasma Modern Art museum and spent maybe 1/2 hour. There I couldn't have spent more time. I do like art, but historical context can be as important for me as actual content. Essentially, I prefer a museum.<br />
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In the Finnish national Museum is where I found these Viking Age artefacts on display. Viking Age artefacts found in Finland largely demonstrate trade routes between Sweden and the East. A tendency to trade with the east can also be demonstrated in the high Viking Age finds in Sweden.<br />
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At 4:00 pm the group caught the boat back to Stockholm.<br />
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If you are in Helsinki for a few days there are a lot of good things to be said about getting the <a href="http://www.helsinkiexpert.com/helsinki_card/" target="_blank">Helsinki Card</a>. I did get one for three days for 56 euros and found it was entirely worth it. At the same time, as you can tell I worked really hard to make sure that it was worth it and tried to take in as much as possible. With the exception of food, everything was covered under the card, including admission to all these sites and public transportation. If you like to take in a city in a more passive (perhaps saner) way then the Helsinki card is not really for you.Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-27006998000165641462012-07-09T13:16:00.000-07:002012-07-09T13:16:30.780-07:00The saga of Megan's trip to Sweden<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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The trip was actually a bit more like a Greek Odyssey than a saga. In either case, on the whole there was much less genealogy.<br />
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I have a goal. I jump on any bandwagon that I think might bring me a little closer to that goal. Like Odysseus (if I may be so pretentious) the sailing has not gone exactly as I have planned, but unlike him I feel each experience adds to my journey, maybe it brings me a little bit closer to my goal of being able to do this kind of thing for the rest of my life. I feel I have now over/misused that metaphor.<br />
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This summer I have decided to take the trip to Sweden. I wrote in <a href="http://meganarnott.blogspot.se/2011/10/phd-applicant-and-modern-scandinavian.html" target="_blank">my earlier blog</a> about why and how I was choosing a mainland Scandinavian language to learn. Well, even though I decided to do a PhD in <a href="http://www.wmich.edu/english/" target="_blank">English at Western Michigan University</a> with Dr. Jana Schulman, instead of a PhD in <a href="http://scandinavian.wisc.edu/" target="_blank">Scandinavian Studies at the University of Wisconsin Michigan</a>, I still felt that I was lacking real experience in Scandinavia and that I should go there given the opportunity. I had already sorted out how I would get here and what I would take. And a Scandinavian language will most certainly put me in better stead for the future, so I took the opportunity.<br />
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Sweden is actually not the most obvious choice for someone interested in Norse history, and certainly Norse literature unless you are hoping to study runes or look at the archaeology of the early religious sites. I am hoping to specialize in neither of those things. But there is a rich Norse history here, which I am going to try and take in every chance I can, as well as visiting historical sites that have cropped up between then and now. One thing that is my specialty, however, is how we use history to give us identity. Having already had a stop over at the <a href="http://www.kefairport.is/english/" target="_blank">Leif Erikson airport</a> and traveled to Finland on the <a href="http://www.vikingline.fi/index.asp?lang=en" target="_blank">Viking Line</a> cruise ship (complete with their plethora of Viking themed booze) I feel I will have lots of material.<br />
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I flew out with <a href="http://www.icelandair.com/" target="_blank">Iceland Air</a>, but had to take the <a href="http://www.aircanada.com/" target="_blank">Air Canada</a> plane through Boston first. I'll just say, flying through the United States, less than pleasant. It didn't help that when I arrived at Pearson International airport the computers were down. I had to join a huge line to check in my bags. I was three hours early for my flight, but had about one hour by the time we checked in the bag. Then the lady at the check in told me that my ticket was actually just a stand by ticket. I told her 'well, that's nice but I have two connecting flights to catch, each with only one hour in the terminal.' She said that I should remind the person at the gate, just so that they don't forget. It is at about that time that I leave my mother behind to worry about how I'm actually getting to Sweden.<br />
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So now I have to go through the American checkpoints, with the rather intensive security procedures. Apparently I look a bit suspicious (I know that's not how it works but I am pretending) because I get stopped for the physical, you know the one where they check the bottom of your feet. At least there were no witches turning people into pigs (okay, I'll stop now).<br />
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I get to the terminal. No trouble actually getting a seat, but they do make you worry. In Boston I have to change terminals to get on my flight to Iceland. Everyone speaks in this lovely Boston accent, but I managed to figure it out. The lady at the check in point is actually babysitting some kids while checking in passengers. Strange, but also really cute.<br />
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When I arrive in Iceland the Leif Eriksson airport is tiny. It is also the middle of the night, but since they are so far north and it is early July/late June the sun never really sets. In the most brilliant move on my part I walk out of the bathroom without my purse. I notice about two minutes later when I find it at the customer service desk. <br />*Facepalm*<br />
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<a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-ZxNOljKNrD4/T_s7FQXrXWI/AAAAAAAAAYQ/jCwdpSD3hP4/s1600/IMG_1097.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-ZxNOljKNrD4/T_s7FQXrXWI/AAAAAAAAAYQ/jCwdpSD3hP4/s320/IMG_1097.JPG" width="238" /></a>There is an exhibit here about the Norse in North America. I am not really surprised, but I am a little excited to see it. The European arrival in North America is such a powerful moment in history. So because there is a universality to its power (though that power will affect different people in different ways and for different reasons) it is interesting to see where and how often it is made reference to.<br />
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Thankfully the only real delay experienced is on the last flight, when I am not connecting with anything else that has been timed. The computers in Reykjavik are also down, and we can not board the plane for an extra 45 minutes.<br />
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The plane arrived in <a href="http://www.swedavia.com/arlanda/" target="_blank">Arlanda, Stockholm</a> on July 1, Canada Day. I find a computer to let people know that I have arrived. My bag, sadly, has decided it will go it's own way. Three flights, one from stand by, I was actually expecting it. I have been studying my Swedish, but everyone here also speaks English, so we arrange for me to call to have my bag delivered when it sees fit to arrive and when I know where the heck I should have it sent to.<br />
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I take the bus to Uppsala and am super early to check in to the <a href="http://www.uiss.org/joomla/" target="_blank">Uppsala International Summer Session</a>. Which is actually good because I get good and lost looking for the check-in. I saw a lot of the city centre though and found that not having my big bag with me was a great blessing.<br />
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I checked in, listening my darnedest to the Swedish for some sort of comprehension. But finally I made it to the little apartment that someone has left for me over the summer. It is super stylishly decorated.<br />
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<br />
My bag came to school one day later. Inside there was a little tag from the TSA letting me know that they had opened my bag to inspect it. What can I say, I am really suspicious. But both bottles of maple syrup were still there and in tact.<br />
<br />
All in all, remarkable journey. Tiring, slightly invasive, unnecessarily worrying but ultimately the smoothest it could actually possibly go. And they even hand delivered my bag to me. What service.<br />
<br />
Things I will be sure not to miss while I am in Sweden:<br />
1. <a href="http://www.raa.se/cms/extern/se_och_besoka/gamla_uppsala.html" target="_blank">Gamla Uppsala</a> (I mean I'm already right here)<br />
2. <a href="http://www.historiska.se/misc/menyer-och-funktioner/menyer/globala-menyn/inenglish/" target="_blank">The Museum of National Antiquities in Stockholm</a><br />
3. <a href="http://www.stromma.se/sv/Birka/" target="_blank">The Viking Market on the Island of Birka</a><br />
<br />
(I'm going to save a trip tot he Foteviken viking Museum for a trip to Denmark, because it is actually way closer to that than to where I am here in Sweden. For more information about Viking heritage tourism in Scandinavia check out <a href="http://www.scanbaltexperience.com/The-Viking-heritage-and-tourism" target="_blank">the Scanbalt website</a>).<br />
<br />
Looking forward over these six weeks to seeing some of Sweden, to exploring the history of the country and talar svenska.Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-24773224938626105902012-06-18T17:58:00.001-07:002012-06-18T17:58:11.553-07:00Upper Canada's Legislature in the War of 1812<div style="font-family: inherit;">
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<span lang="EN-US"><i>The War of 1812 was declared 200 years ago today. Here is a piece that I was working on highlighting the role of Upper Canada's Legislature in the war, the capital of York and the Queen's Park War of 1812 artefacts. Fascinating conflict, with arguably the flimsiest pretexts for war in the history of conflict (hyperbole, but only a little). As wars go - not to make light of war - this was a mild one with some far reaching identity consequences for what would become the province of Ontario. Thanks to all the people who edited this.</i></span></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-US">Introduction</span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">On
June 18, 1812, the United States of America
declared war on Great
Britain and their allies. The two years of
fighting that followed would come to be known as the War of 1812. War was
precipitated by numerous conflicts between these two powers. Among them was Britain’s support of the American Aboriginal
tribes obstructing the American plans to expand into the Northwestern territories.
In addition, the Americans objected to both the British search for deserters on
American ships and the British imposition of trade blockades that slowed trade
between the U.S. and France,
a country already at war with Britain.
A deep desire to defend its status as a new and independent nation against its
former colonial ruler spurred on the American declaration of war.</span></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: inherit;">
<span lang="EN-US">At
the outbreak of the War of 1812 Great Britain
had been embroiled in the Napoleonic wars with France for over a decade. While
they did send troops to the United
States, British forces relied heavily on
local colonial militia and native allies. The shape of the colony’s legislature
was still being forged. The War of 1812 would have a great impact on the
legislature’s location and shape, as well as the lives of the legislators then
and to follow. Ontarians would later consider this conflict to be a test of the
strength of the new colony of Upper
Canada, just as it proved a test of the strength of
the new American republic to the south. </span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US">Upper
Canada</span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US"> in the War of 1812</span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Upper Canada</span><span lang="EN-US">, the region now called Ontario, came into existence in 1791 when the old Province of Quebec
was divided into Upper Canada in the west and Lower Canada in the east. Upper
Canada would be the setting for many of the war’s key
battles. Major regions of conflict
included the Detroit - Windsor
area, the Niagara Peninsula and the banks of the St. Lawrence River in Eastern Ontario. There would also be many naval battles
fought on the Great Lakes. </span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">At
the time of the war’s outbreak, the population of Upper Canada was less than 100,000 people. Primarily an agricultural colony, it consisted
mainly of Loyalists, post-war American settlers, immigrants from Europe and allies from numerous local aboriginal nations. When local men were called to serve in the
militia many would leave behind farms and homesteads to be run by their
families and neighbours.</span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US">York</span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US">,
the Capital of Upper Canada
</span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">In
May 1793, Lieutenant Governor <span id="goog_1106231955"></span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/">John Graves Simcoe<span id="goog_1106231956"></span></a> selected York
as the capital of the newly formed Upper
Canada. Located
on Toronto Bay
and the former home of a French fort, its island to the south, large land mass
to the north, and distance from the border with United States made it an ideal
location.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">In
1812, the town of York
was home to less than 1000 people. It hosted
a dock and shipyard, with at least one warship under construction. Along the waterfront was Fort York,
a garrison built in 1793 under John Graves Simcoe. It featured several defensive structures, including
Government House and the Palace
of Government. Fort
York would be the setting
for the American attack in the spring of 1813. York,
now Toronto,
would serve as the seat of the legislature for the majority of the time from
1793 to the present. </span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US">The Battle
of York</span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">While
Kingston and Montreal
presented more desirable, more fortified targets in enemy territory, American
troops opted to attack the new town of York.
Part of the rationale was York’s function as the capital of Upper Canada, and as the location of its shipyard.
Primarily, however, the choice was
politically motivated: the pro-war Republican Party needed a victory to draw
support away from the anti-war Federalists, in hopes that the Republican
governor of New York
would be re-elected. Ultimately, the
attack occurred too late to affect the election, but victory was celebrated
preemptively to bolster the Republican candidate. </span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">General
Dearborn led the Americans’ departure from Sackets Harbor, New York
on April 25<sup>th</sup> 1813. Their
ships were spotted off York
harbour the following day. British forces
were under the command of Major-General Sir Roger Sheaffe, an American-born
loyalist who had taken over for General Sir Isaac Brock after his death in
action the previous year. </span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">On
the morning of April 27<sup>th</sup>, American troops landed two kilometres
west of Fort York (today, the neighbourhood of Parkdale in Toronto) and were met
by an opposing force first of a small group of local Mississaugas and Ojibways.
Shortly thereafter they were joined by a few regulars and several hundred
members of the militia. Donald McLean,
magistrate and first Clerk of the Legislative Assembly, was a member of the
militia and died from wounds he received in this battle. Local forces were
quickly outnumbered, and the Americans pushed the British back along the
beach. When they reached Fort York,
the British acknowledged defeat. The
majority of the regular forces retreated, and as a ruse left the Royal Standard
up to signal their presence. During
their retreat the British blew up the main magazine, the weapons and gun powder
storage, causing massive American casualties. It was left to local civilian and
militia leaders to surrender the city. </span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US">The Occupation of York</span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">The
American occupation of York lasted just six
days, the short duration owing to York’s
nonstrategic location. When the town capitulated,
the occupying army agreed to respect private property, although looting did
take place despite efforts by officers to stand guard against their own troops. The closeness of American and Upper Canadian
families meant that many were accused of being American sympathizers and it
seems some locals joined in on the looting. Government House and the Palace of Government fell under the category of
Public Property, and both were burned to the ground during the occupation. </span></div>
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<u><span lang="EN-US">The
First mace</span></u></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">This
wooden mace was made for Upper Canada’s
parliament and was first used in 1792 in Newark (now
Niagara-on-the-Lake, Ontario),
the first capital of Upper Canada. When the capital was transferred to York, the mace was
relocated as well. This mace is made of
wood, painted red and gold. It was stolen
by the Americans as a trophy of war during the Battle of York, and was housed
at the United States Naval Academy
Museum in Annapolis, Maryland
for over a century, along with the Royal Standard left by the British during
the retreat and a wooden lion from beside the Speaker’s chair. The Americans
also took the Speaker’s wig, mistaking it for a scalp; this has not survived. Unlike
the other trophies, the mace was returned to Canada
as a sign of good will just in time for Toronto’s
centennial celebrations in 1934. This
first mace is now housed at Ontario’s
Legislative Assembly. It has seen active
service during some unscheduled meetings of Parliament when the current mace
was off-site being cleaned. An image of Upper Canada’s first
mace can be seen in the Ontario Legislative Assembly’s official shield.</span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US">York and the rest of the war</span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">The
new capital of Upper Canada York continued to serve as an important source of
supplies throughout the war. American
troops returned to York
twice during the war. In July of 1813,
the Americans set out to attack the British supply depot at Burlington Heights,
just west of York.
The troops and supplies were pulled from York
in response. York was undefended and the Americans took
what little that remained. They departed
August 1<sup>st</sup>. </span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Enemy
troops approached York
for a third time on August 6<sup>th</sup> 1814.
British troops spotted the American ship <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Lady of the Lake</i> near York harbour,
and guns at Fort York opened fire. The American ship retreated without coming
ashore.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">The
American capture of York
had direct consequences later in the war.
In August of 1814, the British defeated the Americans at the Battle of Bladensburg. After that victory, they took the American
capital of Washington,
where they plundered and burned much of the city’s public property. Famously, the White House was burned, and the
original mace of the House of Representatives was lost. Many Canadians would have agreed with Sir
George Prévost, </span><span lang="EN">Governor-in-Chief of British North
America,</span><span lang="EN">
</span><span lang="EN-US">when he
called this “a just retribution,” for the burning of the Legislature. Prévost went on to say “the proud capital of Washington has experienced a similar fate to that
inflicted by an American force on the seat of government in Upper Canada.” </span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US">The End of the War</span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">By
1814 Napoleon had abdicated, allowing Britain
to devote more attention to the war it was fighting in North
America. Both sides began
negotiating peace in January of 1814, with each side using their own victories
to push for concessions. The Treaty of
Ghent was signed and finalized in December 1814, but conflict continued until
word of the Treaty reached the United
States many weeks later. In February 1815, the United States ratified
the Treaty, and borders and territories were restored to their pre-war state. </span></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: inherit;">
<span lang="EN-US">Both
parties considered themselves to have been the victors of the War of 1812. Americans focused on the battles where they
repulsed the British, and felt that their goal of asserting American
sovereignty and expanding west and south had been achieved. In the eyes of the British, their successful
repulsion of an American invasion was a clear victory to the people of Upper Canada.</span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US">Legacy of the War of 1812</span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">After
their destruction in the battle of York, the capital’s
Government House and Parliament
Buildings needed to be
rebuilt. The first replacement Legislature was built on the ruins of the
previous building. This was finished in 1820 but burnt down itself in 1824. The
site of both buildings has undergone recent archaeological investigations. While
they waited for a new structure the government met in several places. The
Parliament eventually found its home, first on Front Street in 1834 and then, after Upper Canada had become the province of Ontario,
at Queen’s Park in 1893. </span></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: inherit;">
<span lang="EN-US">One
immediate consequence of the War of 1812 for Ontario
was the development of supply lines across the province which were out of reach
of the United States.
In addition, many of Upper Canada’s
legislators fought in the conflict. A lasting consequence of the war was the
new unity and patriotism engendered among Upper Canadians and eventually
Ontarians. Heroes were celebrated, battlegrounds
memorialized, and one hundred years later, the war’s centennial was celebrated
enthusiastically. Many Ontarians have
come to regard the War of 1812 as definitive in shaping their province and its
people. </span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US">Notable Canadian Combatants</span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Several
key figures emerged in the War of 1812, making their mark in the history of Upper Canada and becoming focal points for Ontario patriotism. </span></div>
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<a href="http://www.biographi.ca/009004-119.01-e.php?BioId=36806" target="_blank"><u><span lang="EN-US">Te<span id="goog_522889382"></span><span id="goog_522889383"></span>cumseh</span></u></a></div>
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<br />
<span lang="EN-US">One
cause of the War of 1812 was the British support of the aboriginal nations who
presented an obstacle to American expansion into the Northwest. Tecumseh was a Shawnee chief who, along with his brother
Tenskwatawa (also known as “the Prophet”), organized a confederacy of many
nations who allied with the British to fight the Americans. Tecumseh was particularly active along the Detroit front and assisted in the capture of Fort Detroit.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Tecumseh
was killed in action at the Battle of the Thames (also known as the Battle of Moraviantown). Victory at this battle proved decisive for
the Americans: shortly after Tecumseh’s death, the confederacy of nations he
had organized disbanded and surrendered.
Despite Tecumseh’s key role in the war, provisions for Native land
rights were not included in the Treaty of Ghent. </span></div>
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<a href="http://www.blogger.com/goog_522889390"><br /></a></div>
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<a href="http://www.biographi.ca/009004-119.01-e.php?&id_nbr=4507" target="_blank"><u><span lang="EN-US">Laura Secord</span></u></a></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Laura
Secord was a resident of Queenstown (now Queenston), a village in southern Ontario. On the 21<sup>st</sup> of June 1813, she
overheard, probably from American officers dining at her house, that the
Americans were planning a surprise attack at nearby Beaver Dams. Her husband, James Secord, had been severely wounded
in the Battle of Queenston Heights the previous year and was thus unable to
make the journey to warn the British troops himself. Laura undertook to bring the message herself,
taking a long and circuitous route to avoid being spotted by Americans. Upon reaching a Native encampment she
explained her intent and was brought to Lieutenant James FitzGibbon, the
British Commanding Officer. It is
unclear whether Laura’s message provided new information, or whether it served
to confirm existing knowledge of American troops nearby. In any case, the British were prepared for
the attack the following morning, and the Americans, outnumbered and
outmaneuvered, surrendered on June 24, 1813.</span></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: inherit;">
<span lang="EN-US">Laura
Secord remains a Canadian heroine and holds an irrevocable place in the collective
memory of the War of 1812. </span></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: inherit;">
<a href="http://www.biographi.ca/009004-119.01-e.php?&id_nbr=2288" target="_blank"><u><span lang="EN-US">Sir Isaac Brock </span></u></a></div>
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<span lang="EN-US">Sir
Isaac Brock was a British military officer and administrator. He was assigned to Canada
in 1802 and given charge of the forces in Upper Canada in July of 1810. At the outbreak of the War of 1812, Brock
reinforced the Niagara region with the plan to take Michilimackinac, the </span><span lang="EN">region
along Lakes Huron, Michigan,
and Superior,</span><span lang="EN-US"> and the city of Detroit right away. He was successful, and Michilimackinac
remained under British control throughout the war. On August 16 1812, Brock led an attack on Detroit and emerged
victorious. This early victory generated
great optimism among Upper Canadians and British alike, and the capture of Detroit earned Brock a knighthood. When the Americans attempted an invasion at Queenston Heights, Brock led the British and
allies to a great victory at the cost of his own life. </span></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: inherit;">
<span lang="EN-US">Like
Laura Secord, Brock is a key patriotic figure in the history of Ontario and the War of
1812. </span></div>Megan Arnotthttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07677526156480712154noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2668826453007681981.post-17873236027460046472012-06-02T15:54:00.000-07:002012-06-02T15:54:11.152-07:0047th International Congress on Medieval Studies<div align="left" class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-GEhVKt2aD5s/T7-ZoYGAx2I/AAAAAAAAAXA/th7w07rJDak/s1600/Congress+photo.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="259" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-GEhVKt2aD5s/T7-ZoYGAx2I/AAAAAAAAAXA/th7w07rJDak/s320/Congress+photo.png" width="320" /></a></div>
Originally I wasn't intending to go to the <a href="http://www.wmich.edu/medieval/congress/" target="_blank">conference</a> again this year. I love going, but I went last year, and so it wasn't really on my radar to go again this year. <br />
<br />
But when we needed some more panelists for the <a href="http://publicmiddleages.org/" target="_blank">Society for the Public Understanding</a> of the Middle Ages panel I was happy to step up, and frankly honoured to be asked. Also, the research I did for my paper this year took me into academic realms that I had not yet fully explored, but that I was definitely interested in. What medievalist doesn't fondly remember the things that brought them to the Middle Ages, and this years panel <a href="http://publicmiddleages.org/calls-for-papers/" target="_blank">Growing Up with the Middle Ages</a> was the perfect opportunity to write about that. <br />
<br />
But also, after five long years of subsequent applications I have finally acquired enough experience and contacts and clout to get into a PhD program. It also so happens that I will be doing this PhD program at <a href="http://www.wmich.edu/" target="_blank">Western Michigan University</a>, home of <a href="http://www.wmich.edu/medieval/index.html" target="_blank">The Medieval Institute</a> and <a href="http://www.wmich.edu/medieval/congress/" target="_blank">The International Congress of Medieval Studies</a>. While I have seen the campus before I took the opportunity this year to do some more exploring of the town and the campus, to try and figure out what it's going to be like for a Canadian doing a PhD in the United States. I don't know that I got the full picture, but I think I may be mentally prepared for the non-multi coloured money. <br />
<br />
I fully enjoyed the sessions that I attended this year. As per usual, I focused on my two interests : medievalisms and Vikings Age/Medieval Scandinavia. <br />
<br />
I arrived Thursday night, just enough time to settle in and put a few finishing touches on my powerpoint presentation. <br />
<br />
Friday May 11, 2012<br />
<br />
10:00 am : <br />
<br />
<u><b>Growing Up with the Middle Ages: The Influences on Children's Ideas about the Medieval World</b></u><br />
<u><b>(Our panel)</b></u><br />
Sponsored by: <a href="http://publicmiddleages.org/" target="_blank">Society for the Public Understanding of the Middle Ages</a><br />
<br />
<b>Jousting Knights and Tournament Ladies: Children's Understanding of Reconfigured Gender Relations in the Modern Sport of Jousting</b><br />
Whitney A.M. Leeson, <a href="http://roanoke.edu/" target="_blank">Roanoke College</a><br />
<br />
<b>Kids and Castles: The Moat between Medieval Art and Contemporary Consumption</b><br />
Dawn Cunningham,<a href="http://stmikes.utoronto.ca/" target="_blank"> University of St. Michael's College, University of Toronto</a><br />
<br />
<b>Saturday Morning Medieval: Medievalisms and Children's Television Programming</b><br />
Megan Arnott, <a href="http://www.wmich.edu/" target="_blank">Western Michigan University</a><br />
<br />
11:45 am :<br />
<br />
This was followed by the <a href="http://publicmiddleages.org/" target="_blank">Society for the Public Understanding of the Middle Ages</a> business meeting.<br />
<br />
3:30 pm: <br />
<br />
<b><u>Between Theory and Practice: Late Medieval Scandinavian Political Thought</u></b><br />
Organizer: Leidulf Melve, <a href="http://www.uib.no/cms" target="_blank">Senter for Middelalderstudier, Univ. i Bergen</a><br />
<br />
<b>Scholastic Political Thought and Political Discourse in Late Medieval Scandinavia</b><br />
Bjorn Gunnar Tjallen, <a href="http://www.uib.no/cms" target="_blank">Senter for Middelalderstudier, Univ. i Bergen</a><br />
<br />
<b>Political Thought in Late Medieval and Early Modern Scandinavian</b><br />
Leidulg Melve, <a href="http://www.uib.no/cms" target="_blank">Senter for Middelalderstudier, Univ. i Bergen</a><br />
<br />
(Unfortunately Geir Atle Ersland could not be there to present his paper entitled Republic versus Monarchy: Urban Government in Late Medieval Scandinavia)<br />
<br />
Saturday May 12, 2012<br />
<br />
10:00 am: <br />
<br />
<br />
<b><u>The Comics get Medieval at Kalamazoo: New Perspectives for Incorporating Comics into Medieval Studies Teaching and Research (A Roundtable)</u></b><br />
Sponsor: <a href="http://popularcultureandthemiddleages.blogspot.ca/" target="_blank">Virtual Society for the Study of Popular Culture and the Middle Ages</a><br />
<br />
<b>Grotesque in Comics</b><br />
Fabio Mourilhe, <a href="http://www.ufrj.br/" target="_blank">Univ. Federal do Rio de Janeiro</a><br />
<br />
<b><i>Caliber</i> (2008), or Arthur's Mystical Six-Shooter and the Gunslingers of the O.K. Corral</b><br />
Karen Casebier, <a href="http://www.smcm.edu/" target="_blank">St. Mary's College of Maryland</a><br />
<br />
<b>Arthurian Themes in DC Comic's <i>Demon Knights</i> (2011 - )</b><br />
Jason Tondro, <a href="http://www.ucr.edu/" target="_blank">Univ. of California-Riverside</a><br />
<br />
1:30 pm: <br />
<br />
<br />
<b><u>Scandinavian Studies I</u></b><br />
Sponsor: <a href="http://www.scandinavianstudy.org/site/" target="_blank">Society for the Advancement of Scandinavian Studies</a><br />
<br />
<b>Manifestations of Colonialism in High Medieval Denmark: Friendship Networks and Patterns of Exchange</b><br />
Maria Corsi, <a href="http://www.uh.edu/" target="_blank">Univ. of Houston</a><br />
<br />
<b>A Neolithic Origin for the Collective Female Deities, The Disir</b><br />
Frank Battaglia, <a href="http://www.csi.cuny.edu/" target="_blank">College of Staten Island, CUNY</a><br />
<br />
<b>Norway's Man: Sigmund in <i>Foereyinga saga</i> and <i>Sigmundar kvoedi</i></b><br />
Megan Gilge, <a href="http://www.slu.edu/" target="_blank">St. Louis Univ</a>.<br />
<br />
<b>Theft in the Eyes of the Beholder: The Morphology of Hallgerdr's <i>Thjofsaugu</i></b><br />
Ilya V. Sverdlov, Independent Scholar<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
3:30 pm:<br />
<br />
<br />
<b><u>Scandinavian Studies II</u></b><br />
Sponsor: <a href="http://www.scandinavianstudy.org/site/" target="_blank">Society for the Advancement of Scandinavian Studies</a><br />
<br />
<b>The Hills Have Eyes: Post-morten Mountain-Dwelling and the Lurking Linimal Terrors of the (Super) Natual Landscape in the Islendingasogur</b><br />
Miriam Mayburd, <a href="http://www.hi.is/" target="_blank">Haskoli Islands</a><br />
<br />
<b>The Problem of Rupture and Disruption in <i>Eyrbyggja saga</i></b><br />
Sarah M. Anderson, <a href="http://www.princeton.edu/main/" target="_blank">Princeton Univ.</a><br />
<br />
<b>The Speech Act as Double-Edged Sword in the Poetic Edda</b><br />
Derek Shank, <a href="http://www.uwo.ca/" target="_blank">Univ. of Western Ontario</a><br />
<br />
<b><i>Hattatal</i> Stanza 12 and the Divine Legitimation of Kings: The Exception Proves the Rule?</b> <br />
Kevin J. Wanner, <a href="http://www.wmich.edu/" target="_blank">Western Michigan Univ.</a> <br />
<br />
<br />
I have also determined that it takes approximately 6.5 hours to drive from Toronto to Kalamazoo, but more like 8 hours with stops for gas, food, washrooms and the border.<br />
<br />
Looking forward to future conferences at my new home. <br />
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